Forests Sourcebook - HCV Resource Network
Forests Sourcebook - HCV Resource Network
Forests Sourcebook - HCV Resource Network
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nal activity at the field level are often simply laborers (and<br />
usually poor people with few alternatives) working at the<br />
direction of others, genuine ethical reasons exist to question<br />
the use of force. In any responsible suppression program,<br />
these risks need to be systematically considered in light of<br />
the probability of success, the accountability and transparency<br />
of the suppression effort, and the skills and training<br />
available to law enforcers. In addition, suppression is an area<br />
for which the World Bank has strict guidelines based on its<br />
mandate that define its level of involvement.<br />
Effective suppression may require the following:<br />
■<br />
■<br />
■<br />
■<br />
Developing risk-success matrices to make appropriate<br />
preparations for safe conduct of suppression operations,<br />
or to determine when safe operations are a practical<br />
impossibility. Such matrices should be developed by law<br />
enforcement practitioners.<br />
Tailoring institutional arrangements for major suppression<br />
efforts or crackdowns to local circumstances (see<br />
note 5.2, Reforming Forest Institutions). However, these<br />
arrangements also clearly need to incorporate adequate<br />
provisions for accountability and transparency commensurate<br />
with the likely use of force and the need for security<br />
and confidentiality.<br />
Developing interagency arrangements in which the<br />
police, military, customs, and other law enforcement<br />
agencies frequently and effectively work together with<br />
natural resource agencies. These arrangements require<br />
resources, budgets, planning, and reporting provisions to<br />
be in place.<br />
Training staff members at all levels where extraordinary<br />
suppression efforts are needed, for example, in specialized<br />
skills such as investigating criminal activities, documenting<br />
crimes, handling evidence, and preparing judicial<br />
proceedings. In highly dangerous or specialized<br />
investigations, training appropriate for undercover operations,<br />
firearms safety, and other special expertise may be<br />
needed.<br />
The complexity and risk of suppression efforts underscore<br />
the value of measures to avoid the emergence of a serious<br />
law enforcement problem through sound prevention<br />
and detection efforts. Where such efforts fail, or are not<br />
made, the problems of suppression can rapidly become<br />
nearly insurmountable.<br />
Many of the specific interventions and tools discussed<br />
above can simultaneously contribute to more than one of<br />
the enforcement functions of prevention, detection, or suppression.<br />
Issues of cost, risk, capacity, and commitment<br />
need to be addressed in the design of these programs.<br />
Annex 5.5B to this note brings the drivers of forest crime<br />
(motive, means, and opportunity) together with the prevention-detection-suppression<br />
framework in several typical<br />
typologies of forest crime, and can be used as a tool to facilitate<br />
discussion in country contexts (for example, in the<br />
context of national-level action plans as discussed below).<br />
National-level processes to combat illegal logging<br />
and other forest crime<br />
National and local level forest law enforcement<br />
program. Forest law enforcement programs need to be formulated<br />
at the national and local levels, building on established<br />
laws, institutional arrangements, and the interests<br />
and capabilities of different stakeholders, and need to<br />
address the specific crime problems being encountered.<br />
As a consequence of the FLEG processes (see chapter 5),<br />
some countries are beginning to address forest crime<br />
through concerted, coordinated, multistakeholder, nationallevel<br />
FLEG processes, resulting in national-level FLEG<br />
action plans. Experience with these processes has demonstrated<br />
that combating illegal logging and other forest crime<br />
is as much a political process as it is technical, and involves<br />
reconciliation of the various stakeholder interests in a manner<br />
that enables change. Where the economic stakes in illegal<br />
activities are high, powerful interest groups can forcefully<br />
protect the status quo even if the outcome is clearly<br />
negative from society’s point of view.<br />
Stakeholder coalitions. Rarely is one stakeholder group<br />
able to push through a major change in the established<br />
power balance. Instead, successful change processes rely on<br />
coalitions of several interest groups with different capacities.<br />
Local and international NGOs have often managed to<br />
bring the problem of illegal logging out in the open and<br />
raise awareness among politicians and the general public of<br />
the need to act. Representatives from interest groups<br />
directly involved in timber production can wield considerable<br />
influence among their peers and colleagues. High-level<br />
political champions are also required who are able to fend<br />
off efforts to slow down the implementation of the proposed<br />
measures through behind-the-scenes maneuvering.<br />
Partners willing to support FLEG can be found among<br />
many stakeholder groups. Ministries of finance and local<br />
municipalities are interested in the increased tax revenue<br />
that reduction of illegal activities could bring about. Forest<br />
194 CHAPTER 5: IMPROVING FOREST GOVERNANCE