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Forests Sourcebook - HCV Resource Network

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Box 5.12<br />

Reforming Forest Law in Postconflict Countries<br />

The World Bank has supported modernization of forest<br />

law frameworks in several postconflict countries,<br />

including Cambodia, the Democratic Republic of<br />

Congo, Liberia, and Sierra Leone.<br />

The task is sensitive because armed factions can,<br />

and do, divert forest income to support conflict. For<br />

example, in Cambodia during the early 1990s, the<br />

Khmer Rouge financed themselves through timber<br />

exports. In Liberia, the sale of timber and diamonds to<br />

fuel war was so notorious that the United Nations General<br />

Assembly placed sanctions on exports until the<br />

government could put appropriate financial controls<br />

in place (see box 5.8 in particular).<br />

The task is challenging because it involves social as<br />

well as legal change. People who have known war and<br />

authoritarianism must embrace new ways to settle<br />

conflicts over resource use.<br />

There are three broad avenues for settling conflicts:<br />

resort to power, as is typified in war; resort to rights, as<br />

is typified in litigation; and resort to interests, as is typified<br />

in voluntary negotiation. In most conflicts, power,<br />

rights, and interests all play some role. But in war-torn<br />

countries, rights and interests have taken a backseat to<br />

power.<br />

Source: Rosenbaum 2006.<br />

Part of the healing process involves reviving the<br />

roles of rights and interests. This means promoting the<br />

rule of law, to allow people to appeal to the government<br />

to defend their rights, and it means promoting<br />

transparent and participatory government, to allow<br />

people to freely and fairly advocate their interests.<br />

In Liberia, for example, the World Bank continues to<br />

be part of the LFI, which is assisting the government in<br />

forest sector reform. LFI supported the government’s<br />

open review and resulting cancellation of existing forest<br />

concessions. Now the LFI is supporting government<br />

efforts to establish a chain-of-custody system for forest<br />

products. The system will track timber from harvest to<br />

export dock, to ensure the government collects all<br />

appropriate revenues. The LFI is also supporting development<br />

of a transparent planning system to allocate<br />

public forests among conservation, commercial, and<br />

community uses. A multistakeholder Forest Reform<br />

Monitoring Committee is vetting all reforms. The legal<br />

work includes drafting an amendment to the national<br />

forest law and regulations to support the chain-of-custody<br />

and land-use allocation systems, a new model forest<br />

concessions contract, and a model contract for community<br />

benefit sharing.<br />

can serve as a checklist of topics for the drafter to consider.<br />

The other reference, from the Development Law Office of<br />

FAO, is a paper listing six basic principles for forest law<br />

assistance projects (Lindsay, Mekouar, and Christy 2002).<br />

Annex 5.3B to this note contains a list from that paper of six<br />

principles for effective forest law. The ideas offered here<br />

largely come from those two sources.<br />

Another important first step is to consider the dynamics<br />

of working with the lawyers and within a legal paradigm<br />

(see box 5.13).<br />

Another challenge is to eliminate unnecessary regulation<br />

and circumscribe the discretion of forest officials. The motive<br />

goes both to improving governance and to reducing constraints<br />

on forest use. Layers of regulation and large amounts of<br />

official discretion create opportunities for waste and corruption.<br />

The ideal level of regulation conserves the resource while<br />

allowing people broad opportunities to enjoy resource benefits.<br />

Limiting power exertions. A further step toward good<br />

governance is to create checks on power exertion. These may<br />

include<br />

■<br />

■<br />

■<br />

■<br />

■<br />

increased transparency, so that the press and public opinion<br />

can have a stronger influence on forest management;<br />

watchdog institutional structures, such as advisory<br />

boards, ombudsmen, or inspectors general;<br />

allowing citizen or community access to the courts to<br />

enforce rules or collect payments due the government;<br />

procedural steps, such as environmental impact assessments,<br />

that require the government to make a reasoned<br />

review of alternatives before taking action; and<br />

substantive standards in the laws to limit agency discretion.<br />

Practical reforms. Finally, the legal adviser routinely<br />

faces the problem of making reforms practical. A system<br />

that is too elaborate risks overtaxing the technical capacity<br />

of a country and tying the forests down in lengthy procedures.<br />

The results may be frequent government shortcutting<br />

of the laws and resulting loss of the rule of law. Alternatively,<br />

the government could try to live by the letter of the law and<br />

end up mired in process, leading people to seek access to the<br />

forest through illegal means (see note 5.5, Addressing Illegal<br />

Logging). Practicality may demand simpler requirements or<br />

174 CHAPTER 5: IMPROVING FOREST GOVERNANCE

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