UN High Commissioner for Refugees - Harvard Model United Nations

UN High Commissioner 

for Refugees 

TABLE OF CONTENTS 

Introduction 5 

History of the Committee 5 

Topic Area A 6 

Topic Area B 18 

Position Paper Requirements 30 

Closing Remarks 31 

Bibliographic Essay 33 

Topic Area A: 

Topic Area B: 

Refugees of the Arab Spring 

The Ivorian Refugee Crisis 

Statement of the Problem 

History of the Problem 

Current Situation 

Relevant UN Actions 

Proposed Solutions 

Questions a Resoultion Must Answer 

Bloc Positions 

Suggestions for Further Research 

6 

7 

11 

14 

14 

15 

16 

18 

Statement of the Problem 

History of the Problem 

Current Situation 

Relevant UN Actions 

Proposed Solutions 

Questions a Resoultion Must Answer 

Bloc Positions 

Suggestions for Further Research 

18 

19 

22 

25 

26 

28 

28 

29 

Economic and Social Council 

& Regional Bodies

UN High Commissioner for Refugees 

Harvard Model United Nations 2012 

A Letter From the Secretary General 

Dear Delegates, 

Hunter M. Richard 

Secretary-General 

Stephanie N. Oviedo 

Director-General 

Ana Choi 

Under-Secretary-General 

Administration 

Ainsley Faux 


Business 

Alexandra M. Harsacky 

Comptroller 

Sofia Hou 


Innovation and Technology 

Juliana Cherston 


General Assembly 

Ethan Lyle 



Charlene S. Wong 


Specialized Agencies 

I could not be more honored to welcome you to the fifty-ninth session of Harvard Model 

United Nations. Our entire staff of 205 Harvard undergraduates is eager to join with you 

this January at the Sheraton Boston for an exciting weekend of debate, diplomacy, and 

cultural exchange. You and your 3,000 fellow delegates join a long legacy of individuals 

passionate about international affairs and about the pressing issues confronting our World. 

Founded in 1927 as Harvard Model League of Nations, our organization has evolved 

into one of America’s oldest, largest, and most international United Nations simulations. 

Drawing from this rich history, Harvard Model United Nations has strived to emphasize 

and promote the unique impact of the UN and its mandates in the eradication of 

humanity’s greatest problems. Despite its difficulties and often-unfortunate image in the 

press, the United Nations is truly a global body with representation of 193-member states 

and is the closest the World has ever achieved to a “Parliament of Man.” 

At HMUN, we strive to recreate this body and the international environment it fosters 

through our emphasis on welcoming more and more international delegations to our 

conference each year. For the fifty-ninth session, HMUN is proud to welcome delegations 

from over 35 countries to share their experiences with others from across the World. Not 

only can you debate global issues in committee, but also discuss the China-US relations 

with a delegate hailing from Shanghai or EU economic policy with a delegate from 

Germany. I encourage you to go above and beyond research and discussions within your 

committee to learn from your fellow delegates. 

In this guide, you are about to embark on a valuable intellectual endeavor. Your committee 

director has worked tirelessly to research and compile this extensive background guide. 

Please use it as a foundation in your own research for committee and to contribute to 

your debates and final resolutions. I wish you the best of luck in your preparation and in 

committee this January. 

Sincerely, 

59 Shepard Street, Box 205 

Cambridge, MA 02138 

Voice: (617)-398-0772 

Fax: (617) 588-0285 

Email: info@harvardmun.org 

www.harvardmun.org 

Hunter Richard 


Harvard Model United Nations 

secgen@harvardmun.org 

22 Economic and Social Council Specialized & Regional Agencies Bodies



Dear Delegates of the Economic and Social Council & Regional Bodies, 

It is my distinct honor and high privilege to welcome you to the Economic and Social Council & 

Regional Bodies organ of Harvard Model United Nation’s 59th session. 





Ana Choi 



Ainsley Faux 


Business 


Comptroller 

Sofia Hou 






Ethan Lyle 






The Economic and Social Council occupies a unique position within the United Nations’ history. 

While questions of security were of primary concern at the time when the UN Charter was drafted, 

the final version set out a critical role for ECOSOC. World leaders in 1945, it seems, understood 

that global peace absolutely requires social stability and economic growth in order to truly last. This 

daunting mission carries on into the present day for the Economic and Social Council. At HMUN, 

our organ also incorporates a collection of Regional Bodies that bring more localized debates to the 

forefront. These committees are entrusted with the critical task of exploring regional dialogues on a 

wide array of issues for which larger and more generalized UN bodies simply cannot do justice to. 

Our organ for HMUN 2012 is ambitious in its scope: our committees will jump from the League 

of Nations in pre-World War II Europe to the dawn of the year 2100 and the complex problems it 

will bring. Our organ is diverse not only in time, but also in topics, with modern day discussions 

on human rights, development, and many pressing regional issues. This session, we will even set out 

to incorporate the unique contributions of Non-Governmental Organizations into the Economic 

and Social Council & Regional Bodies organ, with the hope that they bring a fresh perspective to 

our substantive discussions. 

I could not be more excited to invite you to join us in January for what will most certainly be an 

amazing experience. The members of staff for our organ this year are some of the most intelligent 

and dedicated individuals I have ever met. They have been working tirelessly for months and will 

continue to make preparations as we quickly approach January 26th, 2012. I am confident you will 

come to appreciate them greatly, just as I have learned to in my time with them thus far. I know 

the Assistant Directors, Moderators, and committee Directors cannot wait to meet each and every 

one of you! 

At Harvard Model United Nations, we set out to tackle meaningful issues that world leaders have 

struggled mightily to resolve. Our challenge is considerable. And yet, HMUN 2012 will be one 

of the fondest memories we will come to share. Meeting friends—old and new—hailing from 

different cities, states, and continents is a profound experience. I wish you the best of luck in your 

preparations for HMUN, and please do not hesitate to contact me with any questions or concerns 

you may have along the way. Opening Ceremonies will be here before you know it. Get ready. 

Sincerely, 



Voice: (617)-398-0772 

Fax: (617) 588-0285 



Ethan Lyle 


Economic and Social Council & Regional Bodies 

ecosoc@harvardmun.org 


3



Dear Delegates, 





Ana Choi 



Ainsley Faux 


Business 


Comptroller 

Sofia Hou 






Ethan Lyle 






It is my great pleasure to welcome you all to the Office of the United Nations High 

Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), also known as the UN Refugee Agency. Together, 

our committee will confront head-on humanitarian, economic, and political issues that 

have a direct impact on the fate of people, movements and conflicts in the world today. 

My name is Akua Abu and I am a Harvard sophomore and prospective Applied Mathematics 

concentrator. I have spent most of my life between homelands in West Palm Beach, FL and 

Accra, Ghana. Since finding my Harvard home, I’ve spent hours of free time traversing 

Cambridge, eating in Chinatown, and taking photographs of Harvard Yard (when it’s not 

freezing). Among my great interests are matters of philosophy, economics, engineering, and 

international relations. In addition to HMUN, I am also happily involved with the Harvard 

Parliamentary Debate Association, Harvard Undergraduate Women in Business, and the 

Harvard Crimson. 

Our committee will coordinate action to resolve refugee situations in the Middle East and 

West Africa, regions which have sharply commanded the attention of the international 

community for decades. Recently, we have witnessed the tension, and escalating violence in 

countries such as Libya, Tunisia, Syria, and Iraq. The causes of conflict are myriad and vary 

from region to region, but similar effects are mirrored in the faces of millions of displaced 

asylum-seekers scattered throughout the world. I hope to achieve constructive debate to 

secure the rights of refugees in our two proposed topic areas. The first is on the situation of 

Middle Eastern refugees, hailing from countries in the midst of dramatic political crisis and 

change in Northern Africa and West Asia. The second is on the plight of refugees from Côte 

d’Ivoire and surrounding regions in West Africa. 

This year, I invite you to committee sessions filled with careful reflection and engaging 

discussion regarding development, national sovereignty, and regional obligation. I call on 

your creativity and motivation to devise methods to safeguard the rights and well-beings 

of refugees. Above all, I urge you keep close in mind the people and groups who are most 

affected by related issues every day. 

It is a great honor to serve as your committee director for HMUN 2012. Do not hesitate to 

contact me with any questions or concerns. I wish you the best of luck in all your preparations 

and look forward to meeting you all for an exhilarating four days in February! 

Sincerely, 

Akua Abu 



Voice: (617)-398-0772 

Fax: (617) 588-0285 



Akua Abu 

Director, UN High Commissioner for Refugees 

unhcr@harvardmun.org 


INTRODUCTION 

In the past year, thousands have risen in violent 

protest in countries of the Middle East and Northern 

Africa. Egypt and Tunisia have been gripped by bloody 

revolutions. Libya has been immersed in a contentious 

civil war. The political landscapes of Syria and Côte 

d’Ivoire have been marked by crisis and abuse. Though 

such recent events have piqued international attention, 

intense antagonism between and within countries is 

nothing new to this region. The Arab- Israeli conflict 

and the question of an independent Palestinian state 

have remained largely unresolved for more than 60 

years. International involvement in Iraq, especially 

by the United States, has spanned over a decade. The 

unpopularity of several regional governments and 

the growing involvement of international forces have 

contributed to the perpetuation of extreme violence in 

the region and the escalation of tensions for decades. 

The growing intensity of these conflicts has closed 

schools and businesses, forced millions of civilians from 

their homes, and resulted in thousands of deaths. The 

United Nations has confirmed widespread human rights 

abuses and atrocities, and the resulting displacement of 

millions. The rising numbers of refugees has put a strain on 

the policies and resources of the international community, 

most notably those of the nations neighboring the 

countries in conflict. The Office of the United Nations 

High Commissioner for Refugees is chiefly responsible 

for the well-being and protection of the now millions 

of refugees and asylum-seekers throughout the Middle 

East and Northern Africa. The committee must grapple 

with issues such as the ability of neighboring countries 

to shelter these refugees in a harsh, economic landscape; 

the responsibility of countries farther removed from 

the regions for the care of the refugees; the status of the 

refugees in host nations and possible solutions to the 

conflicts plaguing the Middle East and Northern Africa. 

In Topic Area A: Refugees of the Arab Spring, delegates 

will explore and justify the suitability of multiple 

proposed solutions to resolve the Middle Eastern refugee 

situation. Delegates will also attempt to bring a sense of 

greater calm and safety to those affected by the Ivorian 

crisis in Topic Area B: The Ivorian Refugee Crisis. 


HISTORY OF THE COMMITTEE 

In the aftermath of World War II, the international 

community became acutely aware of the need for 

organized assistance to address the plight of the millions 

of mainly-European refugees displaced by years of 

war. The United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation 

Administration (UNRRA) and International Refugee 

Organization (IRO) emerged out of those needs in the 

1940s and respectively were responsible for the specific 

wellbeing of refugees. 

The UNRRA was largely replaced by the U.S. 

Marshall Plan and the IRO fell from popular appeal soon 

after its establishment, with many UN member nations 

dissatisfied with the permanence of the body. The stillpressing 

need for a body dedicated to the support of 

refugees was answered on December 14, 1950 with the 

foundation of the Office of the United Nations High 

Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) as a General 

Assembly subsidiary organ by UN General Assembly 

Resolution 319 1 . 

The original intention of the commission was to use 

the UNHCR to address the European refugee situation 

and disband the body after three years to allay criticisms 

about the “implications of a permanent body. 2 ” The 

mandate of the UNHCR was later expanded by multiple 

General Assembly and Economic and Social Council 

(ECOSOC) resolutions. The UNHCR’s mandate, is 

to “provide, on a non-political and humanitarian 

basis, international protection to refugees and to seek 

permanent solutions for them. 3 ” 

The 1951 Geneva (Refugee) Convention serves as 

the primary authoritative instrument relating to refugee 

law. It defines the individuals who may fall under the 

classification of “refugee,” details the legal protections 

afforded them, and explains the obligations of refugees 

to their host countries. Though originally constrained 

to the protection of European refugees after WWII, the 

scope of the 1951 Refugee Convention was expanded 

in the 1950s upon acknowledgment of the widespread 

nature of the refugee situation worldwide. The UNHCR 

played a role in coordinating responses to the refugee 

situations following such global events as the 1956 

Hungarian uprisings and the 1957 Algerian war for 

independence. The 1967 Protocol further widened the 

international scope of the UNHCR. The mandate was 

expanded beyond refugees to individuals “of concern” 

including those internally displaced within a country 

(IDPs). 4 


5


The UNHCR’s primary focus on Europe was inverted 

in the 1960s with widespread refugee movements in 

Africa in light of decolonization. A defining aspect of 

these movements was the lack of true durable solutions 

to the refugee crises- refugees tended to flee from one 

instable country to another, thus perpetuating a cycle of 

refugee displacement. Events such as the Vietnam War, 

the Cold War, and the Rwandan Genocide exacerbated 

the refugee situation with practices such as the targeting 

of civilians growing in frequency. In response, UN 

member nations became more and more unwilling to 

resettle the increasing number of refugees and many 

enacted restrictive asylum policies. The UNHCR turned 

to the formation of refugee camps, often within tense 

regions, to respond to the growing need for assistance. 

Headquartered in Geneva, Switzerland, the UNHCR 

is currently a member of the UN Development Group 

with a purpose to coordinate action to protect and support 

refugees when called to act by an individual government 

or the UN body. Today the UNHCR oversees the 

protection, shelter, medical care, food, and water needs 

of more than 36 million refugees and asylum-seekers in 

more than 117 countries worldwide. Amongst its roles, 

the agency determines whether a return by refugees 

to their original country is feasible and either plays 

a role in the integration of refugees into a nearby host 

country or their resettlement into another country 5 . The 

UNHCR still faces challenges today regarding the role 

of UN member nations in the assistance and support of 

refugees and the need to find lasting solutions for groups 

of refugees currently shuffling from one hostile climate 

to another. 

TOPIC A: 

REFUGEES OF THE ARAB SPRING 

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM 

For years, countries of the Middle East have been 

marked by intense “political stagnation. 6 ” Remarkable 

gains in the literacy rates and living standards in many 

of these countries have not been translated into a greater 

political representation or control. Beginning in December 

2010 with the self-immolation of Mohammed Bouazizi 

in protest in Tunisia, a sense of pride in national identity 

and strong demand for rights assumed universal in many 

modern states fueled a wave of protests, demonstrations, 

and strikes across the Middle East in a movement known 

as the Arab Spring. General international support for 

the Arab revolutions has been garnered worldwide with 

demonstrations by Arab populations and independence 

groups spreading awareness of the individual causes of 

the Arab protestors in the United States as well as many 

European countries. 

The Arab Spring revolutions are ongoing in 

countries all over the Middle East, a region which 

formally encompasses the United Nations sub-regions 

of Western Asia and North Africa. The Middle East 

has historically been recognized by international bodies 

as a strategic location in terms of its wealth of natural 

resources, including its large quantities of crude oil, and 

a religiously sensitive one for its role in the origins of 

Judaism, Christianity, and Islam among other religions. 

For the purposes of this committee, the Middle Eastern 

countries in focus will include those linked to the surge 

in revolutionary movements that began in December 

2010 and continues today. Specifically, the countries 

of Tunisia, Yemen, Syria, Libya, and Egypt will be of 

primary focus to this committee due to the scope of their 

conflicts. Conflicts in countries such as Bahrain, Algeria 

and Iraq and others of the Middle East and neighboring 

regions are of particular concern and should be addressed, 

though not necessarily as directly. 

The specific reasons for protest differ from country 

to country but the revolutions tend to share a goal of 

extensive political reform: individuals are demanding a 

greater degree of political control and freedom in their 

own countries. Common issues in the Arab uprisings 

include government corruption, unconstitutional 

dictatorships, poverty, and extensive unemployment. 


In general, the methods and techniques used from 

country to country share a basis in modern tactics of 

civil resistance. These are largely youth-fueled uprisings 

with many protestors below the age of 30 taking to the 

streets and Internet lines. Indeed, online sites, social 

media, and organizations have played an important role 

in both organizing events within the affected countries 

themselves and broadcasting the message of protestors 

internationally. For instance, WikiLeaks made publically 

available documents and information previously censored 

by government forces. 

Actions of civil resistance have met violent responses 

from government bodies and groups loyal to the 

authorities. Still today, for example, there are unresolved 

revolutions underway in Tunisia and Egypt, a Libyan 

civil war and major uprisings in Syria. The revolutions, 

however, have led to modest gains in the direction of 

greater political stability. The Arab Spring revolutions have 

led to the removal of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali 

from Tunisia in January and the resignation of President 

Hosni Mubarak in Egypt in February. Many more leaders 

such as Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al- Maliki have 

committed to stepping down following the end of their 

current terms 7 . The removal of the reigning executives in 

countries may have marked a start for political revolution 

but in no way have resolved the political tensions and 

crises in the individual countries. This is not to say that 

the countries do not possess the building blocks for 

political transformation; in fact, many of them have long 

established working economies, organized labor, and a 

generally educated populace. However, a daunting battle 

lies ahead in restoring the faith of the citizenry in public 

institutions and government organizations within their 

countries. 

The widespread violence within the Middle East 

has affected both the inhabitants of the region and 

individuals living internationally. The United Nations 

has reported numerous cases of human rights abuse across 

the region. With citizens losing faith in the legitimacy of 

their governments and governments themselves waging 

war against their people, the number of refugees has 

grown dramatically in the recent months. The United 

Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in particular 

is responsible for the safety of most of the refugees found 

in this area of the world. The continued violence in the 

unstable region has impeded the development of concrete 

conclusions with regards to the general treatment of 

Middle Eastern refugees and their hopes of reclaiming 

their homes. 



Specifically, refugees within the Middle East have 

faced problems regarding the identification of safe 

countries and zones in which to seek shelter. The 

widespread nature of the Arab Spring has created 

conflicts in many closely connected regions. As a result, 

many refugees have departed one unstable country only 

to meet major violence in another neighboring nation. 

In the camps in which refugees do find shelter, problems 

of overcrowding and instability due to the limited 

nature of needed resources and the harsh economic 

environment only perpetuate the unrest and uncertainty 

experienced by these individuals. It is clear that a simple 

end to many of the conflicts plaguing the regions will 

not come quickly, putting pressure on the international 

community as a whole to find solutions to support the 

ever increasing numbers of displaced peoples from these 

countries. 

The ideal solution to ensuring the protection and 

security of these civilians in this region is to bring about 

a peaceful end to the conflicts plaguing many of the 

Middle Eastern countries. The deeply rooted tensions 

between the public and their governments will not be 

easily overcome, but possible developments to at least 

guarantee open dialogue between the citizenry and 

public officials may aid in efforts to stabilize the region. 

It is the role of this committee to settle matters dealing 

with the treatment of the millions immersed in a world 

of violence and uncertainty due to the intense conflicts 

in their countries. Failure to arrive at a workable solution 

may only prolong the hardships of those both fighting in 

and trying to flee the turmoil of revolution. 

HISTORY OF THE PROBLEM 

FOUNDATIONS OF CONFLICT IN THE MIDDLE 

EAST 

Following the decline of the Ottoman Empire at the 

end of World War I, major world powers –most notably 

Great Britain, France, the United States, and Russiabecame 

heavily invested in the Middle Eastern landscape. 

The region’s location - providing a secure path to Asia and 

a neighboring region to Russia during the Cold War- was 

seen as strategically ideal. World international powers 

oversaw developments in the Middle Eastern countries 

through the mandate system, imposed in the Treaty of 

Versailles at the end of World War I. 

The mid- 20th century saw the independence of 

many Middle Eastern states from the British, French, 

and the Soviets. Many Middle Eastern states were 

7


granted independence in the 1940s-60s, including Syria 

in 1944 and Egypt in 1947. Despite independence, the 

region still had to face questions that had plagued it for 

decades, most notably the struggle between the Arabs 

and Jews in Palestine. This struggle erupted in the Arab- 

Israeli war of 1948 in which Israel defeated the armies of 

Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Jordan and Saudi Arabia and forced 

800,000 Palestinian refugees into neighboring countries, 

instigating the Palestinian refugee situation 8 . 

Hundreds of thousands of Palestinian refugees fled or 

were expelled from their homes as a result of the Palestine 

War. The United Nations Relief and Works Agency was 

created to aid those displaced by the Arab-Israeli wars. It 

defined “Palestinian refugee” and granted refugee status 

to both those immediately displaced from their homes in 

Palestine and their descendants 9 . Large percentages of the 

displaced maintained their refugee status and continue 

to live in refugee camps today near Palestinian territories. 

Others moved and resettled in neighboring countries, 

sparking conflicts with native groups and inviting issues 

relating to their incorporation. Based on the definition 

set by UNRWA, there were still 4.7 million refugees 

registered with the UN as of 2010. 

Over the next half century, the United States would 

take the place of the European powers in watching over 

developments in the Middle East. The American stake in 

the oil industry maintained a high American presence in 

the region. The Soviet Union, disturbed by the increasing 

American presence near its borders, allied itself with 

radical anti-Western regimes in countries such as Egypt 

and Iraq which desired to destroy the state of Israel. The 

U.S., in turn, allied itself with conservative monarchies 

in Iran, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia, many of which were 

terminated due to discontentment on both sides. The 

Middle East, with the Cold War powers, endured several 

major regional wars and extended conflicts including 

the Arab-Israeli War (1948), Suez War (1956), War of 

Attrition (1970), and Yom Kippur War (1973) 10 . 

With the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 

came a halt in the funding for many anti-Western Arab 

regimes and brought Russian oil to the West. Bereft of 

Soviet aid, rulers such as Saddam Hussein turned to the 

cause of nationalism to replace socialism as a dominant 

ruling ideology. Iraq was launched into continued 

conflict with Iran and the invasion of Kuwait in 1990. 

In the Persian Gulf War, the United States, with the 

approval of the UN, drove Iraq from Kuwait by force, 

leaving a permanent U.S. military presence in the Gulf. 

The tensions continued with conflicts between Israel 

and Hezbollah erupting in the mid- 2000s as well as the 

American campaigns in Iraq and Afghanistan following 

the September 11 th attacks 11 . The extended conflicts 

in the region had left many Middle Eastern countries 

technologically, economically, and socially behind the 

modern world. Strong authoritarian despotic rulers were 

left in positions of power in many Arab states under the 

directive of guarding against the many threats to the 

stability and prosperity of their respective countries. 

Many Middle Eastern countries continue to face crises 

relating to large-scale displacement. The humanitarian 

needs in Iraq, for instance, remain high. Millions of Iraqis 

fled their homes during or immediately following the 

U.S. occupation to other countries within the region or 

other areas within the country. As Refugees International 

reports, there still remain “extreme vulnerabilities among 

the hundreds of thousands of Iraqi refugees living in 

Syria, Jordan, and other parts of the region, as well as the 

millions of internally displaced persons (IDPs) within 

Iraq, over 500,000 of whom live as squatters in slum 

areas with no assistance or legal right to the properties 

they occupy. 12 ” These refugees have found it difficult to 

incorporate themselves into their host countries with 

most refugees lacking the documentation necessary to 

work legally. For these reasons, some have returned to 

insecure regions within Iraq facing ongoing violence and 

a general lack of social, educational, and professional 

services. The lack of security within certain regions of 

Iraq has impeded UN efforts to provide assistance to 

these populations; local nongovernmental organizations 

have often been the most successful at reaching target 

populations but, in many cases, significantly lack funding. 

The UNHCR and other refugee assistance programs 


have been working to provide documentation for many 

of these displaced people. Many other international 

groups have additionally called for greater protection 

and services for the displaced Middle Eastern refugees. 

OUTBREAK OF REVOLUTION IN TUNISIA 

(JASMINE REVOLUTION) 

On December 17, 2010, 26-year-old Mohammed 

Bouazizi set himself on fire in front of a local municipal 

office in Tunisia. The only income earner in his eightmember 

extended family, Bouazizi had been angered 

after Tunisian police had seized the unlicensed vegetable 

cart with which he had been supporting his family for 

seven years and struck him after he tried to pay the 10 

dinar fine. He went to file a complaint at the municipal 

office afterwards but was paid no attention during his 

visit. Soon afterwards, he committed his act of selfimmolation—the 

act of setting oneself on fire—in 

protest of his treatment and died in a hospital a few days 

afterward 13 . 

The next day, demonstrations began in Bouazizi’s 

hometown of Sidi Bouzid and spread rapidly across 

Tunisia. Bouazizi’s treatment by the local municipal office 

appeared indicative of the more deeply rooted tensions 

between the public and the Tunisian government over 

widespread police brutality, unemployment, and a lack 

of political rights and representation. President Zine El 

Abidine Ben Ali’s rule as president had been marked by 

extreme violence and public discontentment and had been 

criticized internationally by various nongovernmental 

organizations. When Zine el-Abidine had come to office 

as president of Tunisia in 1987, he had promised political 

freedoms including a right to demonstration and more 

recently promised that he would not run for reelection 

at the end of his term in 2014. However, in reality, the 


el-Abidine regime had deterred protestors with threats 

of jail time and, in many alleged cases, violence. Though 

generally considered economically sound, the country’s 

economic situation soon entered the debate with many 

protesting against the government’s reduction in the 

number of subsidized goods in the country 14 . 

The majority of early protests mirrored Bouazizi’s selfimmolation 

and led to the departure of Ben Ali. However, 

protests still continued with the public demanding the 

removal of Ben Ali’s party. 

OUTBREAK OF EGYPTIAN REVOLUTION 

Following the example of protestors in Tunisia, 

activists in Egypt organized a public demonstration 

on Egypt’s Police Day, the honorary anniversary of the 

killings of 50 Egyptian officers by the British on January 

25, 1952 15 . The event in 1952 played an important role 

in the fight for Egyptian independence and, as such, was 

deemed symbolically fitting for the public demonstrations 

against widespread poverty and unemployment in Egypt 

as well as the government of President Hosni Mubarak. 

Beginning in Cairo, protests, demonstrations, and 

strikes spread rapidly throughout the country. The 

message of the protestors addressing widespread police 

brutality, lack of free elections, high unemployment, 

and general government corruption. The tactics used 

by protestors were generally forms of non-violent civil 

resistance, all demanding the ousting of President Hosni 

Mubarak from power and the establishment of greater 

freedoms in the Egyptian political system. With the 

increasing number of demonstrators came a public and 

violent response from pro-Mubarak supporters, who 

rode into Tahrir Square. The Mubarak government 

publically targeted civilians, making use of disguised 

soldiers, ruthless police action and other acts of violence 

to deter the protestors. There were frequent clashes 

between authorities and protesters in cities such as Cairo 

and Suez. Egypt’s Central Security Forces police, which 

had been originally been constraining the protestors, was 

replaced by military troops. Cairo became a “war zone” 

with much looting and gangs. The protestors ended up 

maintaining their unity throughout the conflict and set 

up watch groups to protect the populace. 

On February 11, 2011, Hosni Mubarak ended his 

30 year-reign in office by resigning and transferring 

power to the army. Effective head of State Mohammed 

Hussein Tanawi announced a suspension to the Egyptian 

constitution on February 13, the dissolution of both 

houses of Parliament, and that the military would rule 


9


until elections could be held in six month. The former 

cabinet would serve in the interim. Prime Minister 

Ahmed Shafik was also forced to resign on March 3 

and was replaced by former transport minister. On 

May 24, Mubarak was ordered to face premeditated 

murder charges on trial for his actions against protestors. 

According to Human Right Watch, the conflict had 

taken the lives of approximately 846 people and left 

6000 injured in Egypt 16 . 

OUTBREAK OF LIBYAN CIVIL WAR 

Fueled by the successes of the Tunisian revolution, 

demonstrators protested the living standards in Al 

Bayda, Libya on January 14, 2011. They soon clashed 

with police and began to attack government buildings 

and offices. From this spread a wave of anti-government 

protests and a veritable divide in Libya between those 

loyal to and against the government. 

Protestors had controlled the city of Benghazi and 

the capital city of Tripoli by mid- February despite 

the attempts of government forces to recapture them. 

International criticism and the rising number of casualties 

caused the resignation of many Libyan diplomats. 

Opposition forces established an interim government 

in Benghazi, calling for an end to the rule of Colonel 

Muammar al- Gaddafi. Gaddafi responded with massive 

campaigns of violence against civilians, targeting not 

only the opposition forces but writers, paramedics, and 

other noncombatants within Libya. 

On March 17, 2011 UN Security Council 

Resolution 1973 established a no-fly zone over Libya 

and guaranteeing support to safeguard the lives of the 

civilians. On March 19 th , France, Great Britain and the 

United States launched a bombing campaign against pro- 

Gaddafi forces, aided by a coalition of 27 other European 

and Middle Eastern states 17 . The foreign intervention 

drove back pro- Gaddafi forces from Benghazi, allowing 

an opposition offensive throughout Libya. A stalemate 

soon ensued between government-controlled Brega and 

opposition- controlled Ajdabiya. Fighting continued, 

however, on different fronts throughout the country: 

the Nafusa Mountains, the Misrata District, the Gulf of 

Sidra, and the Libyan Desert. 

OUTBREAK OF SYRIAN UPRISINGS 

On January 26, 2011, one reported case of selfimmolation 

launched Syria into the Arab Spring 

revolutions. Protestors rallied around the cause of 

extensive political reforms including the granting of civil 

rights, and an end to the state of emergency in Syria 

which has suspended constitutional rights since 1963. 

The arrest and torture of children on March 8 in the 

city of Daraa initiated protests calling for the explicit 

removal of the Paathy regime, which had been ruling 

Syria since 1963, from power. In towns and cities all 

over Syria, thousands of protestors organized in protest 

of the regime, followed soon after by a massive wave of 

arrests and clashes with the police throughout Syria. July 

31 st marked the bloodiest day of the uprising as army 

tanks stormed several Syrian cities, killing at least 136 

people in a single day 18 . The government also proceeded 

to shut off public water and electricity and began seizing 

food supplies. The violence has escalated from month to 

month with reports from defecting soldiers that soldiers 

who refuse to fire on civilians are executed by the Syrian 

army. 

To date, more than 3,000 protestors have been killed 

in the conflicts and many more injured and tortured. On 

April 21, the emergency law was repealed, though it had 

little effect on the abuses perpetuated toward civilians. 

OUTBREAK OF YEMENI REBELLION 

In mid-January, a series of protest along the northern 

and southern regions of Yemen were organized to protest 

against the government plans to modify the Yemeni 

constitution despite popular disapproval, corruption, 

unemployment, and the resignation of President Ali 

Abdullah Saleh. On January 27 th , over 16,000 protestors 

came together in a demonstration against the government 

in Sana’a and thousands of protestors came together in a 

“Day of Rage” on February 3, 2011. In response, soldiers 

and members of the General People’s Congress held a 

pro-government rally in Sana’a on the same day. President 

10 10 Economic and Social Council Specialized & Regional Agencies Bodies

Saleh announced that he would not hold another term 

after the end of his term in 2013 19 . 

In February, multiple “days of rage” were carried out 

in Yemen’s major cities 8 . Crowds marched towards the 

Presidential Palace in protest, leading to the use of police 

force to quell the rally. Saleh agreed to mediation by the 

Gulf Cooperation Council which would allow him to 

relinquish power in exchange for immunity but did not 

commit to the agreement in signing. An assassination 

attempt on June 3 left him and many officials in the 

capital city injured. Saleh evacuated to Saudi Arabia for 

treatment after handing power to Vice President Abd 

al-Rab Mansur al-Hadi. Protests are continuing in his 

absence. 

CURRENT SITUATION 

OVERVIEW 

Currently, none of the Arab Spring movements has 

peacefully come to a culmination regarding all political 

and economic demands made by protestors, though 

concessions have been made in that direction. There is 

still widespread violence in countries such as Syria and 

Libya with the numbers of injured and dead civilians 

increasing in their scope. Economically, there have 

been significant fluctuations in oil prices, following the 

development of certain events in the Arab world. 

Considering the ongoing and widespread violence, 

the situation for refugees remains all the more dire. The 

numbers of displaced persons from the multiple conflicts 

within the Middle East is continuously growing. Often 

surrounded by violence on all sides, refugees from these 

conflicts have been left to either flee to neighboring 

countries facing extreme violence themselves, safe havens 

within their countries, or shelters internationally. The 

refugees of the Arab Spring only join the millions of 

refugees already seeking shelter within the Middle East 

from regional conflicts in such countries as Iraq and 

Afghanistan. 

TUNISIA 

On January 17 th , a new cabinet was announced within 

Tunisia. Widespread protests continued within Tunisia 

against the presence of members of the old reigning party, 

the Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD) Party, in 

the new government. Several Tunisian Labor Ministers 

also resigned in protest. Pro- Ben Ali supporters held 

competing rallies on the same day in their own protest. 

The interim president and prime minister ended up 


leaving the RCD to appease protestors. Protests, however, 

continued, calling for the disbanding of the RCD. The 

central committee of the RCD disbanded on January 

20 th and all RCD ministers resigned from the party. 

By January 27 th , Prime Minister Mohammed 

Ghannouchi announced that the new government only 

included 2 ministers from the old Ben Ali government 

apart from the prime minister, neither of which had 

been part of the RCD party. This was seen as a success 

for protestors. The next day, protests emerged outside 

Ghannouchi’s office, demanding his resignation from the 

interim government. Ghannouchi had formerly declared 

that he would leave the government after elections in six 

months, but protestors saw his resignation as necessary 

for the success of the new government. He ended up 

resigning on February 27 th . All of the regional governors 

and the interior minister were replaced in early February 20 . 

In Sidi Bouzid, protests emerged again after reports 

of the burning of civilians by police authorities. Protests 

called for the removal of Police Chief Khaled Ghazouani 

from his position. The situation escalated when protestors 

threw sticks at police and the police responded with tear 

gas. The police chief was arrested. Protests also escalated in 

late February with demonstrators calling for the removal 

of any officials associated with the Ben Ali regime and the 

establishment of a parliamentary government to replace 

the presidential system. Ministers continued to resign as 

protests grew in frequency and intensity. 

In early March, it was announced that there would 

be elections to a Constituent Assembly held on July 24 th 

with general elections to follow afterward. It was also 

announced that the secret police would be dissolved and 

the RCD was dissolved by court order. 


11


EGYPT 

Protests continue in Egypt with most of the public 

wary of the control of the current military junta. 

Following the resignation of President Hosni Mubarak 

on February 11, 2011, elections were held on March 20 th 

to identify the preferences of Egyptian citizens regarding 

presidential elections. Voters were to accept or reject 

eight constitutional amendments which would directly 

affect the election of a new leader 21 . Those amendments 

addressed many of the issues of protestors concerning the 

Mubarak regime including the enactment of term limits. 

It is still uncertain as to when specific elections will be 

enacted and whether a new constitution will be written 

in Egypt. So far, there has been little dialogue between 

the public and the interim government concerning these 

decisions, leaving many protestors doubting whether or 

not a better situation has been reached in the region. 

Most Western states have expressed their support 

for the peaceful protests but with great concern for the 

region’s stability. The EU Foreign Affairs Chief called 

for Egyptian authorities to “establish a constructive and 

peaceful way to respond to the legitimate aspirations 

of Egyptian citizens for democratic and socioeconomic 

reforms.” Countries near the region, including Saudi 

Arabia, however expressed condemnation for the protests 

while others such as Tunisia and Iran announced their 

support for protestors. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin 

Netanyahu recommended a policy of silence with respect 

to the protests and urged the U.S. and European allies to 

do the same as Mubarak had been an important supporter 

in the Israeli- Palestinian peace negotiations. Following 

the Camp David Accords which ended the multiple 

wars between Egypt and Israel in the second half of the 

twentieth century, both Egypt and Israel receive billions 

of dollars in aid annually from the United States. Many 

countries including US, Great Britain, and Japan began 

evacuating citizens from the region. 

LIBYA 

There has not been significant change in the Libyan 

civil war with constant clashes between pro-Gaddafi and 

opposition forces tearing apart Libyan cities and driving 

thousands from their homes. Many states, including the 

vast majority of Western countries, have condemned the 

actions of the Gaddafi regime, especially its targeting of 

civilians within the country. The involvement of Western 

nations such as France, Great Britain, and the United 

States in the aerial bombing campaign over Libya cut 

off virtually all diplomatic ties between the Gaddafi 

government and the West. The majority of countries are 

now recognizing the anti- Gaddafi National Transitional 

Council as Libya’s legitimate interim representative 

government. Travel advisories and evacuation attempts 

have persisted despite attempts by the Libyan government 

to close down airports. 

SYRIA AND YEMEN 

International response to the Syrian conflict has 

been mixed. The West has been generally united in its 

condemnation of the use of force and the targeting 

of civilians by government forces. The EU and UN 

condemned the use of force on the part of the Syrian 

government. In the United States, President Barack 

Obama declared that the Syrian government should 

address the legitimate grievances and aspirations of its 

people. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said that the 

U.S. would probably not intervene in Syria given the U.S. 

Congress view of al-Assad as a “reformer 22 .” The United 

States imposed sanction on al-Assad and other top Syrian 

officials in response to the escalation of violence by the 

part of the Syrian government. Russia, however, warned 

against taking sides in the Syrian conflict. Iran openly 

announced its condemnation for the protestors. 

In Yemen, mediation attempts by the Gulf 

Cooperation Council have been impeded in their 

effectiveness by Saleh’s refusal to officially sign on in 

multiple different instances, despite expressed verbal 

interest in doing so. The past months have seen the 

resignation of myriad Yemeni officials and authorities 

related with the Saleh government. 

INTERNET REVOLUTIONS 

The revolutions of the Arab Spring have been waged 

as much online as they have been within the actual 

countries themselves. Starting with the Tunisian conflict, 

the availability of information on WikiLeaks citing the 

corruption of governments has confounded government 

efforts to control the amount and types of information 

release to the public. Social media has also increased 

awareness of the revolutions in international contexts. 

For instance, the initial marches and riots in Sidi Bouzid 

following the self-immolation of Mohammed Bouazizi 

were displayed on sites such as Facebook and Youtube 

along with images of police brutality. Facebook pages 

such as “We are All Khalid Said,” developed by Google 

executive Wael Ghonim, were used as tools to share 

information between protestors 23 . 

In response, governments all over the Middle 

East have strengthened their efforts to censor public 


information with actions including the shutting off of 

servers and electricity for the majority of the public and 

the massive arrests of writers, bloggers, and individuals 

felt to be contributing to the spread of the Internet 

revolutions. 

REFUGEE SITUATION 

The refugee situation in the countries of the Arab 

Spring has become dire. Tens of thousands of refugees 

have moved out of regions marked by the most intense 

violence such as Libya and Syria. Large populations 

of internally displaced persons also remain within 

multiple countries within the Middle East. The limits 

of humanitarian aid in the Middle East have been 

continuously stretched; multiple countries in the region, 

including Syria, had been hosting over one million Iraqi 

refugees following the U.S. invasion of Iraq 24 . The UN 

has been warning of an overall humanitarian aid crisis 

within the region with significant shortages of food and 

medicine reported throughout the region. 

The refugee crises of certain Middle Eastern countries 

are not only affecting the countries under conflict. Other 

countries worldwide have been facing the consequences 

of the lack of humanitarian aid available for the displaced 

individuals over the Middle East. In particular, roughly 

4,000 refugees of the Tunisian crisis fled to the Italian island 

of Lampedusa, causing a state of emergency which would 

grant federal aid. Tunisian authorities accused the EU of 

being passive in its approach to immigration 25 . Interior 

Minister Roberto Maroni opened up dialogue with the 

Tunisian Foreign Minister asking for assistance in halting 

the flow of immigration. Tunisia increased the number 

of troops patrolling fishing ports and coastal checkpoints. 

By mid- February, about 2,000 Tunisian refugees had 

been sent to Sicily and another 2,000 had been detained 

in Tunisia. Approximately 400 more refugees arrived 

on the island in early March, causing Italy to declare a 

humanitarian emergency. German Chancellor Angela 

Merkel declared the need to strengthen the stability of 

Tunisia and thus halt the sudden immigration to Europe. 

Similarly, the Syrian crisis has created an unstable 

refugee problem. It was reported that approximately 300 

Syrian refugees had crossed the Turkish border by early 

May. The influx of Syrian refugees into Turkey has been 

taking a toll on the resources of the country. According 

to Turkish President Abdullah Gül, Turkey was already 

facing shortages and limitations in the small refugee 

camps it had set up for the fleeing Syrians. By early July, 

another 15,000 Syrian citizens had moved into tent cities 


in districts near the Turkey- Syria border. Approximately 

10,000 Syrian refugees had also crossed into Lebanon by 

July to seek shelter and others had also found their way to 

Jordan. Checkpoints and military tanks were set up along 

the Syrian borders to deter the flow of refugees. Syrian 

forces openly attacked a border town of Bdama, arresting 

individuals thought to be assisting refugees and burning 

homes and businesses 26 . 

More than a million people have fled Libya to border 

countries including Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria, Niger, and 

Chad. The majority of these individuals specifically fled 

to refugee camps in Egypt and Tunisia, both of which are 

dealing with their own internal conflicts and shortages 

of resources. According to the UNHCR, approximately 

163,000 Libyans fled into Egypt and 288,000 fled to 

Tunisia by mid- 2011. Thousands are also attempting 

to flee Libya to Europe by boat; as Al Jazeera reports, 

over 1500 Libyan asylum-seekers have drowned in the 

Mediterranean Sea while trying to seek refuge in Europe. 

About a quarter million people remain internally 

displaced within Libya: “94,000 in east Libya, 49,000 

in Tripoli and Zitan and 100,000 in Nafusa. 27 ” A UN 

Security Council Resolution, backed by U.S., France, 

and Britain authorized “all necessary measures” to assure 

the protection of civilians under the threat of attack in 

Libya. 

Overall, the refugee situations in countries all over 

the Middle East have invited extensive debate regarding 

the future of humanitarian aid in the region and policies 

regarding the hosting of refugees. Many refugees have 

only fled countries under conflict to seek refuge in 

other countries under conflict. Many are the victims 

of torture by groups loyal to their governments- even 

within refugee camps. Refugee camps have been tested to 

their capacities; there has been a general and widespread 

lack of adequate living conditions, food, medicine, legal 

services, and psychological services for those in the midst 

of conflict. It remains difficult and often dangerous 

for nongovernmental organizations and independent 

international agencies to reach target refugee populations 

within multiple Middle Eastern countries. Currently, 

the refugee problem has not been contained to any 

one country but has rather been spread to neighboring 

countries (many of which lack the resources and ability 

to provide adequate protection and other services) and 

internationally (to many countries asserting the national 

security risks presented by the sudden influx of thousands 

of displaced persons). 


13


RELEVANT UN ACTIONS 

The United Nations has been working along with 

many Western nations to condemn the violence in 

many of the countries involved in the Arab Spring and 

to try to bring about significant resolutions between the 

governments and the public. The United Nations body 

as a whole has condemned the use of force in Libya, 

Egypt, Yemen, Syria, and Tunisia against protestors and 

other actions on the part of the government to suppress 

free speech and expression through Internet censorship 

and the targeting of writers. Specifically, the United 

Nations Security Council adopted multiple resolutions 

concerning the use of force in Libya. United Nations 

Security Council Resolution 1970 condemned the 

use of lethal force by the Gaddafi regime and imposed 

sanctions in response. UN Securing Council Resolution 

1973 established a no-fly zone over Libya 28 . 

UN agencies attempting to ease the humanitarian 

crisis have rejected offers of support from the military in 

such countries as Libya as ordained by the Guidelines on 

the Use of Military and Civil Defense Assets to Support 

United Nations Humanitarian Activities in Complex 

Emergencies (MCDA). The neutrality of aid agencies 

has been an important objective throughout each of the 

different conflicts. 

The United Nations High Commissioner for 

Refugees, despite facing severe shortages in its quantity 

of funds, is working to provide solutions for the millions 

of refugees and other displaced individuals of the Arab 

Spring Revolutions. Following the statutes of the United 

Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees 

(1951), the UNHCR has identified refugee crises in the 

countries of the Arab Spring. 

In response, the UNHCR has set up refugee camps to 

aid the refugees fleeing such countries as Libya and Syria. 

However, as has been noted, many of these established 

refugee camps are in countries such as Egypt and 

Tunisia, leaving it to be determined whether the refugees 

are entering safe countries or being passed between 

dangerous situations. The UNHCR has typically been 

against the smuggling of individuals by boat out of the 

conflicted countries, with many dying due to the horrid 

humanitarian conditions on the journeys. The UN has 

appealed to Mediterranean ships to look out for vessels 

that may be carrying refugees. 

The UNHRC hopes to continue its efforts to “expand 

the protection space for refugees and asylum seekers,” 

including the establishment of national asylum legislation 

and procedures 29 . In Tunisia, UNHCR currently 

registers asylum-seekers, issues documentations, and 

works to ensure a standard of protection for them. Longstaying 

refugees are provided with monthly allowances. 

Currently, Syria hosts one of the world’s largest 

refugee populations, including approximately 500,000 

Palestinians and hundreds of thousands of displaced 

Iraqis. Like Syria, Egypt both hosts refugees and serves 

as a point of departure for refugees. In such countries, 

the refugee situation is further complicated by issues 

regarding not only the protection and maintenance of 

national refugees but also the treatment of those refugees 

that the country already hosts. 

PROPOSED SOLUTIONS 

There have been multiple proposed solutions to the 

refugee problems in the countries of the Arab Spring. 

It has generally been agreed upon, however, that any 

lasting solution to the conflict will have to address the 

social, economic, and political struggles at the heart of 

the conflicts themselves. Thus, the committee must also 

think of the long-term implications of any solutions on 

the fights for independence themselves. 

ADDRESSING HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES 

To date, the United Nations and multiple countries 

and international organizations have involved themselves 

with some aspect of the Arab Spring revolutions. The 

involvement of countries such as the United States 

and France cannot be denied with respect to imposed 

restrictions, condemnation, and aerial campaigns within 

the conflicted regions. However, there still exists the 

demand for workable solutions to bring about peaceful 

dialogue between the opposing sides in many of these 

disputes. It has been proposed that the United Nations 

coordinate a general trade embargo against countries 

with the most outstanding human rights records, though 

the effects of any such action are sure to be felt by 

the individual citizens themselves. A call for a general 

increase in the amount of humanitarian aid given by 

most countries has also been proposed, though many 

countries worldwide are currently facing economic crises 

themselves. 

THE SHELTERING OF REFUGEES 

Currently, thousands of refugees form individual 

countries involved in the Arab Spring revolutions have 

fled to refugee camps in bordering countries. Many of 

these bordering countries are themselves immersed in 


evolutionary struggles. For instance, a large percentage 

of Libyan refugees have tried to seek shelter in countries 

such as Egypt and Tunisia. In both the neighboring 

countries directly immersed in civil conflicts and thus 

more relatively stable, the influx of refugees has taken 

an immense toll on the internal resources of the nations. 

It has been proposed that the UNHCR continue to set 

up refugee camps in the countries neighboring those in 

conflict, while allowing the United Nations as a whole 

to organize an international response to the problems 

of the affected regions. To guard against attacks to the 

individual refugee camps, it has been further proposed 

that the number of UN peacekeepers and military 

officials be increased near the borders of the conflicted 

regions to guard against attacks from pro- government 

forces. The individual neighboring countries do not share 

the zeal of the international community in the success of 

this solution; as most recognize the need for shelter of 

refugees from Libya, Syria, or other countries in conflict, 

the harsh economic environment may impede their 

ability to not only take care of the coming refugees but 

also their citizens as a whole. 

On the other hand, it has been suggested to allow 

refugees to seek asylum in countries much further 

removed from the crises such as countries in Europe. 

Currently, many refugees have been attempting to escape 

their countries in boats headed to Italy, France, and other 

European countries. The general response of the EU and 

individual European countries has been cautionary with 

many claiming that the growing numbers of refugeesmany 

of whom cannot effectively communicate in the 

languages of their host countries- have been taking a toll 

on their resources and undermining their immigration 

policies. However, refugees who have immigrated to 


Europe have found a greater degree of stability than 

those maintained in neighboring regions. 

The issue of the transportation of various populations 

of refugees also brings to light questions regarding the 

status and treatment of refugees and asylum- seekers. 

Specifically, no concrete solutions have been established 

regarding the treatment of long- displaced refugees 

within their host countries and the specific rights and 

privileges afforded them while living in refugee camps. 

So far, it is uncertain whether military forces within 

the different host countries are responsible for the 

guaranteeing of safety to refugees within the camps or 

whether that aspect should fall on international bodies. 

Humanitarian conditions within the camps themselves 

are not at their peak. Though free from the general 

instability of the struggles behind them, refugees are 

currently experiencing shortages of food, water, and 

space within the camps. 

PROTECTION OF INTERNALLY DISPLACED 

PERSONS 

Also relevant to any comprehensive solution is a 

consideration for the status and protection of the millions 

of individuals internally displaced within different 

countries. With the targeting of civilians becoming 

increasingly common within Middle Eastern countries, 

life has become increasingly dangerous for those left 

behind in their countries during contentious and bloody 

wars. It is clear from multiple government statements 

that the vast majority of Arab states demand that the 

international community respect their sovereignty with 

regard to the treatment and protection of their own 

civilians. However, the massive human rights abuses 

reported by such international organizations as Amnesty 

International and Human Rights Watch has made clear 

the dire situation that most of the internally displaced 

face within their countries. It is important to preserve a 

sense of stability in the lives of the millions who have been 

displaced all over the Middle East through solutions that 

address all the nuances of the political situations within 

the countries of the Arab Spring. 

Questions A Resolution Must Answer (QARMA) 

There are myriad issues relating to the refugee 

situations in the countries of the Arab Spring, and a good 

resolution should address as many as possible. Below are 

five of such questions that your resolution must answer, 

but be sure to look into the different issues relating to all 


15


aspects of the conflicts. Many should come up during 

committee discussion and debate! 

How can the UNHCR prevent future refugee crises 

in the Middle Eastern region, despite the instability 

of the area? 

Should countries which neighbor countries facing 

serious refugee crises be responsible for taking in any 

of those refugees? 

As the situation in countries that have been a part of 

the “Arab Spring” is still changing every day, how 

can the UNHCR be best prepared to help the 

people who will be refugees as a result of the future 

violence? 

What actions can the UNHCR take to improve the 

humanitarian conditions of the refugee camps in 

the Middle East? 

In the Middle East and the Arab Gulf region, only 

three countries have signed the 1951 Refugee 

Convention. How can the UNHCR bring about 

more cooperation with its efforts to help refugees 

in this area? 

BLOC POSITIONS 

In their positions relative to the Middle Eastern 

refugee situations, natural distinctions arise between 

countries that feel it the duty of the international 

community to safeguard the rights of refugees first 

and foremost regardless of circumstance, those that 

wish acknowledgement of the economic and social 

implications of sheltering large numbers of refugees, and 

those that feel the sovereignty concerns of the individual 

countries should far outweigh any other factor in the 

matter. These distinctions tend to align with geographic 

distance from the conflict with neighboring countries 

accepting of the situation but lamenting the strain on 

their resources and those farther removed split between 

their ideologies regarding matters of universal human 

rights and national sovereignty. 

THE COUNTRIES OF THE ARAB SPRING 

The countries of the Arab Spring are experiencing 

increased numbers of internally displaced individuals 

and refugees trying to flee their respective countries. For 

countries neighboring particularly conflicted regions, 

this has put a significant strain on national resources 

and state institutions to guarantee the maintenance and 

protections of these displaced people. Few of the countries 

in the Middle East are actual signatories of the 1951 

Convention on the Rights of Refugees and thus do not 

bind themselves to internationally- recognized standards 

of care in refugee facilities. The instability inherent in 

these countries is also to be acknowledged. Countries 

such as Syria were already sheltering large numbers of 

refugees from other Middle Eastern countries such as 

the Palestinian refugees. The crisis in their own countries 

has diverted resources from the care of the refugees to 

the actual revolutionary efforts occurring within their 

countries. 

Refugee camps have been set up and are being 

maintained on the borders between certain countries. 

However, these camps are not entirely immune to the 

tensions plaguing the original conflicted zones. For 

instance, Syrian authorities attacked refugee camps and 

aid workers in the border town of Bdama- consistent 

with their general policy of attacking non-combatants. 

It is clear that such refugee camps pose a threat to the 

more violent governments in the region, while others 

are content with ensuring that their citizens stay close to 

their own borders. 

WESTERN GREAT POWER NATIONS 

The response of many of the Western Great Powers 

has been united and coordinated in condemning such 

actions as the use of forces targeted against civilians. 

Countries such as the United States, France, and Great 

Britain have been closely monitoring the conflicts in 

the Middle East, even interfering in the conflicts when 

the toll on human life has been considered to dire for 

inaction. For instance, all three countries participated 

in the aerial bombings campaigns against pro-Gaddafi 

forces in Libya 30 . 

These countries also tend to have been heavily invested 

in the Arab conflicts for decades. The Arab states were 

originally put under the control of the Western Great 

Power nations through the mandate system at the end 

of the First World War. Since then, the strategic location 

of the region and its large reserves of oil have kept the 

western nations personally involved in the developments 

in the region. Multiple conflicts and alliances have 

emerged between these powers and Arab states. The 

United States, for instance, has had a particular presence 

in the region through its involvement in the Arab- Israeli 

Wars, conflicts with Iran and Iraq, and issues relating to 

Egypt and the Suez Canal 31 . Though hesitant to jeopardize 



relationships with such allies as Israel, the United States 

primarily recognizes and vows to aid those individuals 

directly facing the tyranny of oppressive governments. It 

is in the favor of these countries to instill responsive, prodemocracy 

ideals within the region and to come to the 

aid of asylum-seekers in need. President Obama asserted 

in a speech on March 28 th that the U.S. “refused to wait 

for the images of slaughter and mass graves before taking 

action. 32 ” The U.S. has pledged approximately $27 

million, for instance, for Libyan refugees. Great Britain 

and the United States have also shared costs in patrolling 

the no-fly zone over Libya. 

Given that, these countries also recognize the 

extreme burden posed by the sudden influx of myriad 

refugees. Many members of the European Union have 

enacted strict immigration policies to deter the influx 

of refugees from such countries as Syria and Libya, 

acknowledging that such large numbers of refugees put 

a toll on their immigration systems and ultimately do 

not solve the roots of the problems within the respective 

states in crisis. British Foreign Secretary William Hague 

articulated in May that European governments must 

be “tough” in securing their borders from the influx of 

refugees. “We need proper controls. We can’t just accept 

a flow of hundreds of thousands or millions of people 

into Southern Europe,” Hague stated 33 . The Western 

powers have expressed their support for measures to aid 

the United Nations and other bodies in humanitarian 

missions throughout the region and to give military 

assistance in the fight against tyrannical, authoritarian 

despots. Though most of these countries are continuing 

to accept the incoming refugees, they look especially to 

other methods to return stability to the region as a whole. 

THE EASTERN GREAT POWERS 

Countries such as Russia and China tend to focus less 

on the individual grievances of the refugees themselves 

rather focusing more towards the rights and sovereignty 

of the individual nations in conflict. Both Russia and 

China agreed not to veto United Nations Security 

Council Resolutions condemning the use of force against 

civilians by Libya. However, neither country voted in 

the affirmative and has since expressed regrets over the 

outcome of the votes. The countries are both currently 

impeding Security Council actions to condemn the 

actions of the Syrian government in the Middle East, 


17


quick to remind the international community to stay 

neutral in these respects and rather allow the specific 

countries to enact their appropriate policies. 

SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH 

The Arab Spring Revolutions are public, informationcentered 

revolutions. In a very real way, many battles 

influencing the future of the Arab states have been waged 

over popular networking sites, blogs, and the Internet. 

Given this, a great deal of data relating to the scope of 

the conflicts, the demands and arguments of protestors, 

and the international response to specific events can be 

found online. 

I recommend beginning your research with a basic 

search of the Arab Spring on Google and Wikipedia. 

While useful for their summaries and backgrounds of 

the conflicts overall, your search should by no means 

stop there. Also move on to other sources to conduct 

comprehensive research on the history, recent events, 

and economic and political issues relating to the conflict. 

Both domestic and international newspapers 

and journals have been tracking the conflict since its 

inception. Though the “Arab Spring” is an extensive term 

which encompasses the struggles in many countries all 

over the Middle East, it is important for the members 

of our committee to understand how all of the different 

events and revolutions fit together. An interactive 

timeline of the revolutions can be found at the UK’s 

Guardian newspaper site: http://www.guardian.co.uk/ 

world/interactive/2011/mar/22/middle-east-protestinteractive-timeline. 

Looking at this timeline and 

others readily accessible will help you keep track of the 

progression of events in our committee. 

Al Jazeera-English might be one of your best bets 

for finding up-to-date information about both recent 

developments in and the historical background of the 

different conflicts. It is also a good place to find editorials 

written by individuals close to the conflict which give 

extensive explanations and clarifications on individual 

actions. The New York Times has an extensive archive 

of articles, photographs, analyses, and editorials which 

look into different aspects of the crises and, specifically, 

outline the international response. The Economist is also 

a good resource for analyses of the economic, political, 

and social implications of different events relating to the 

Arab Spring and to peruse proposed solutions given by 

professional figures on the matters. 

Though it might be tempting to devote all of your 

research to the arguments surrounding the different 

conflicts themselves, be sure to also focus specifically on 

the refugee situations within the different countries. The 

United Nations website itself, specifically the Office of 

the UN High Commissioner for Refugees is a great place 

to find current statistics about the growing numbers of 

refugees and casualties of the different conflicts. Twitter, 

Youtube, WikiLeaks, and Facebook have each played 

important roles in the dissemination of information 

about the crisis to the public. Be sure to view video clips 

released by the protestors which broadcast the highlycharged 

political environment and the extreme tensions 

between the government and the public. 

Though many of the events relating to the Arab 

Spring specifically occurred within the following two 

years, do not constrain yourself to only analyses of 

recent events. The Middle East region has seen conflict 

and extreme tension for decades and, though currently 

erupting in a very public way, the struggles of protestors 

have spanned for just as long. However, as you parse 

through these different sources, take note of the inherent 

biases that may accompany specific resources. Though it 

is encouraged that you look into the emotionally charged 

writings of certain protestors through personal blog posts 

and letters, for instance, make sure to also take note of 

the arguments of the other sides. These may be crucial in 

solidifying the positions of your respective countries. 

TOPIC B: THE IVORIAN REFUGEE CRISIS 

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM 

The country of Côte d’Ivoire has been racked by civil 

war for almost a decade but the internal political tensions 

at the root of the conflicts have spanned for much longer. 

The First and Second Ivorian Civil Wars devastated the 

country, pitting the North against the South, and plaguing 

the entire West African region with extreme violence. 

The conflicts surrounding the 2010 Ivorian presidential 

election were only the latest in a string of issues that has 

emerged in the country from unresolved questions of 

Ivorian nationality and legitimate democratic control. 

The violent political Ivorian landscape in recent months 

took the lives of thousands of people; today, tens of 

thousands of Ivorian refugees remain displaced in Côte 

d’Ivoire and neighboring countries. 


Many foreign nations and the United Nations as a 

whole stood together to condemn the rampant human 

rights abuses within Côte d’Ivoire and have formally 

recognized the presidency of Alassane Ouattara since 

December 2010. Many UN member nations sent troops 

and economic assistance to Côte d’Ivoire during the 

multiple stages of the conflict to maintain stability and 

offer protection to Ivorian civilians. France, in particular, 

was heavily invested in the maintenance of stability 

in the country as a former ruling colonial power with 

multiple bases and embassies still present within the 

country. The Ivorian economy was also severely impacted 

by the political conflict. The government defaulted on 

the payment of a multi-billion dollar bond and many 

Ivorian banks collapsed as a result of significant capital 

flight from the country. Moreover, as the world’s largest 

producer of cocoa, Côte d’Ivoire and its significant 

internal turmoil caused the global prices of cocoa and 

related prices to fluctuate tremendously in recent months. 

Violence is widespread in Côte d’Ivoire with the 

country still facing the backlash of the Ivorian civil 

wars. To a large extent, public confidence has not been 

restored in the legitimacy of the Ivorian government. In 

the southern regions of the country, in which supporters 

of Laurent Gbagbo were heavily concentrated, there are 

still many groups refusing to recognize the authority 

of the new government. There exists a deep divide in 

Côte d’Ivoire between native resident Ivorians and those 

who either immigrated to the country or whose parents 

immigrated to the country in recent decades 34 . This divide 

has manifested itself in acts of discrimination targeted at 

Ivorian immigrant groups. There is additionally much 

fighting amongst native Ivorian tribes with regards to 

land and farming rights and political representation. 

Côte d’Ivoire and neighboring countries have been 

struggling to maintain and protect the thousands of 

displaced people as a result of the conflict. Prior to the 

recent outbreaks of violence, Côte d’Ivoire had been 

sheltering large numbers of refugees from countries 

throughout West Africa, most notably displaced persons 

of the Liberian civil war. Under the policies of the 

first Ivorian president, Felix Houphouet-Boigny, these 

displaced people were welcomed into the homes and 

villages of Ivorians as free members of the society. Few 

refugee camps were thus built within Côte d’Ivoire to 

accommodate refugees. Today, this lack of adequate 

facilities has proved problematic with thousands of 

refugees seeking shelter all over the country. The resources 

of neighboring countries are also being stretched 



beyond their limits, resulting in frequent reports of 

overcrowding, shortages, and mistreatment in refugee 

care facilities. Multiple border refugee camps were also 

targeted by Ivorian forces during the conflict, creating 

general concerns regarding refugee safety and protection 

within camps. 

The refugee assistance efforts have also largely been 

plagued by problems relating to the registering and 

acquiring of official documents for Ivorian refugees. It has 

been difficult for the United Nations and other involved 

organization to obtain official civil documents including 

birth certificates for the large refugee populations, 

especially in the northern and western regions of the 

country. These complications have put large numbers 

of Ivorian refugees at severe risk of statelessness 35 . In 

addition, educational services, which would facilitate the 

reintegration of refugee groups, are significantly limited 

within refugee camps and throughout the country. 

Today, the needs of thousands of displaced people 

have remained largely unmet and Côte d’Ivoire’s political 

situations have not been resolutely resolved. Progress 

has been made in reducing the violence in Côte d’Ivoire 

since the end of the Ivorian civil war; however, human 

rights abuses and discriminatory actions remain frequent 

in the country. It is uncertain whether the country’s 

upcoming elections will return a sense of order to the 

Ivorian political landscape. Resolutions to the conflict 

and the Ivorian refugee crisis are much awaited by the 

ever-increasing numbers of refugees. 

HISTORY OF THE PROBLEM 

ROOTS IN ETHNIC TENSION 

During the 1990s, Côte d’Ivoire experienced a 

significant influx of West African ethnic groups due to its 

relative economic stability. Of these immigrating groups, 

Burkinabes (inhabitants of Burkina Faso) composed the 

great majority. By 1998, these groups made up 26% 

of the Ivorian population. The relationship between 

Burkinabes and native Ivorians was characterized by great 

tension and general hostility. This tension was akin to 

that between the Bêtes and Baoules, both native Ivorian 

tribes. These tribal tensions had largely been fueled by 

Baoulean agricultural success in the western regions of 

the country in fertile areas that had been claimed by 

some Bête people 36 . 

The government’s policy of granting nationality 

to resident Burkinabes in Côte d’Ivoire angered many 

Ivorians and was criticized as an election tactic to 

19


increase their base of support. In 1995, when Burkinabes 

were killed during ethnic riots in the town of Tabou, the 

tensions broke out into widespread violence. 

ISSUES OF PRESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION 

Felix Houphouet-Boigny had served as the first 

president of Côte d’Ivoire since its independence in 

1960. His presidency had been marked by economic 

and political stability until the very last years of his 

rule, in which the Ivorian economy started experiencing 

prolonged stagnation. After Houphouet-Boigny’s death 

in 1993, National Assembly President Henry Konan 

Bédié assumed the presidency of Côte d’Ivoire. His 

claim to power was contested by Ivorian Prime Minister 

Alassane Ouattara. However, after an unsuccessful power 

struggle, Ouattara resigned as Prime Minister and Bédié 

was elected as President of the Democratic Party of Côte 

d’Ivoire - African Democratic Rally (PDCI-RDA) soon 

afterward. During Bédié’s presidency, the economic 

situation worsened and there were myriad reports 

of governmental corruption and political repression. 

Specifically, Bédié’s government was accused of racially 

discriminating against immigrant groups in Côte 

d’Ivoire by calling into question their nationality under 

the concept of Ivoirité. These policies furthered the 

divide between the North with its significant immigrant 

populations and the South in Côte d’Ivoire 37 . 

In 1994, Bédié pushed through the Ivorian National 

Assembly a law which required candidates for the 

presidency and legislature to prove that they and their 

parents were native Ivorians. The law, later incorporated 

into the 2000 Ivorian Constitution, explicitly stated that 

a candidate for the presidency “must be Ivorian by birth, 

born of a father and of a mother themselves Ivorians 

by birth. He must never have renounced the Ivorian 

nationality. He must never have had another nationality. 

He must have resided in Côte d’Ivoire continuously 

during the five years preceding the date of the elections 

and have totaled ten years of effective presence” 38 . This 

new law prohibited presidential candidate Alassane 

Ouattara, who had the overwhelming support of 

immigrant workers in the northern regions of the country, 

from running. It was popularly claimed that the new law 

had been passed to specifically bar Ouattara’s candidacy 

in the election. The two main opposition parties, the 

Rally of the Republicans (RDR) and the Ivorian Popular 

Front (FPI) boycotted the 1995 elections and Bédié won 

with 96% of the vote. 

On December 24, 1999, a group of soldiers led a 

military coup against the government and removed 

Bédié from power. Former Army Chief Robert Guéï 

assumed power as head of the National Public Salvation 

Committee. As president, Guéï publicly announced 

the dissolution of parliament, the supreme court, and 

constitutional council. However, in a television address, 

he assured the country that the security of all residents 

would be upheld and democracy would be restored to 

the country. Guéï’s presidency split the country between 

supporters who believed that the army could restore Côte 

d’Ivoire’s former economic prosperity and opponents 

who refused to recognize the legitimacy of the military 

presidency 39 . The coup was openly condemned by United 

States, France, Canada and many African countries who 

called for a return to civilian rule. The Ivorian Human 

Rights League reported myriad human rights abuses 

including the execution of suspected criminals without 

investigation. Soldiers also participated in many mutinies 

as a result of unmet demands for increases in pay. 

Though the government denounced Bedei’s policy 

of Ivoirité, the discrimination and political repression of 

immigrant groups in Côte d’Ivoire did not cease. Guéï 

expelled RDR representatives from the government in 

April 2000 and the 2000 constitution contained the 

exclusionary clause, barring the children of immigrants 

from running for president. In the October 2000 

elections, all major opposition candidates with the 

exception of the Ivorian Popular Front candidate Laurent 

Gbagbo were disqualified from running. Gbagbo won 

the election held on October 22, 2000. Guéï refused 

to recognize this result and Alassane Ouattara called for 

a new election. After claiming his own victory in the 

elections, Guéï was confronted by major protests and 


fled the country, allowing Gbagbo to assume power. 

Laurent Gbagbo, with the popular support of the South, 

was elected president of Côte d’Ivoire on October 26, 

2000. Parliamentary elections were held in December 

2000 and won by the Ivorian Popular Front 40 . 

OUTBREAK OF CIVIL WAR 

In September 2002, the New Forces, well- armed 

troops from the North, launched a revolt against the 

government of Laurent Gbagbo. They claimed issues of 

Ivorian citizenship, representation in the government, 

and voting rights as their main instigators to violence. 

On September 19, 2002, they attacked many major 

Ivorian cities, including capital Abidjan, taking dominant 

control of northern Côte d’Ivoire. Former president 

Robert Guéï was killed in the fighting and Ouattara 

took refuge in the French embassy. Official government 

forces, the National Army (FANCI) and the Young 

Patriots, nationalist groups loyal to Gbagbo, maintained 

control of Abidjan and cities in the southern regions of 

the country 41 . According to Laurent Gbagbo, deserters 

from the army backed by Burkina Faso were the cause of 

the uprising. 

The government of Côte d’Ivoire appealed to foreign 

nations for assistance in dealing with the conflict, most 

notably France. France sent 2500 soldiers to help 

contain the conflict and appealed to the United Nations 

for additional assistance. CEDEAO forces under the 

auspices of the Economic Community of West African 

States and the United Nations were deployed to Côte 

d’Ivoire. 

France’s loyalties in the conflict were questioned 

by both sides. Both government supporters and rebel 

forces claimed that France was assisting the other side. 

French forces were able to move between the two sides 

to prevent rebel attacks on the south. The United States 

also gave limited support in maintaining the zone. A 

cease-fire was signed on October 17 and France started 

negotiation with both sides. On November 28, 2002, 

however, new rebel groups- the Movement of the Ivory 

Coast of the Great West (MPIGO) and the Movement 

for Justice and Peace (MJP) - took control of western 

Ivorian towns. France sent troops to the western regions 

to evacuate foreigners and put down the rebellions there. 

French forces continued to clash with rebel forces during 

preparations for negotiation 42 . 

NEGOTIATION ATTEMPTS: THE LMA AND 


ACCRA TALKS 

Representatives from both sides met at Linas- 

Marcoussis in France from January 15 to January 26 

to attempt peace negotiations in the Linas-Marcoussis 

Accords (LMA). On January 26 th , a negotiation was 

reached: Gbagbo would retain power and allow opposition 

groups into the government. The parties would discuss 

issues of citizenship peaceably. French troops remained 

between the two sides to maintain a line of peace. The 

end of the civil war was proclaimed on July 4, 2003 43 . 

Multiple coup attempts were put down by French forces 

during this time. 

The United Nations launched the United Nations 

Operation in Côte d’Ivoire (UNOCI) “to facilitate 

the implementation by the Ivorian parties of the peace 

agreement” under Security Council Resolution 1528 on 

February 27, 2004. Under Operation UNICORN, 3000 

French forces were sent in February 2003 and another 

4600 in November 2004 to support UN peacekeeping 

operations 44 . Specifically, UN forces under UNOCI 

aimed to maintain a “zone of confidence” in the center 

of the country between the North and South. 

Multiple obstacles to the peace agreement arose 

quickly in the following months. In early March, the 

PDCI refused to participate in government negotiations 

after disagreements with the FPI concerning candidacy 

requirements. On March 25, a peace march organized 

to protest obstacles to the peace agreement was repressed 

by armed forces, leading to multiple deaths. Following 

the repression, many opposition parties withdrew from 

the government. By May, the government of national 

reconciliation has been reduced from 44 to 15 members. 


21


Among the dismissed ministers was the political head 

of the rebels, Guillaume Soro. The opposing sides 

continued to question French loyalties. On July 4, 3003, 

the New Forces signed an “End of War” declaration, 

recognizing the presidency of Laurent Gbagbo and 

pledging their cooperation in implementing the policies 

of the LMA. However, extended political deadlock led 

to the Accra II talks in Ghana and the resulting Accra III 

Agreement, which outlined specific deadlines concerning 

the negotiations. These deadlines were broken in the 

following months and both sides reneged on earlier 

compromises. For instance, Gbagbo maintained his 

right to choose his own prime minister, regardless of 

the eligibility considerations suggested at the Accra 

talks. The press in general faced massive restrictions as 

the government accused them of Northern bias. This 

only created a period of increased deadlock instead of 

disarmament 45 . 

END OF FIGHTING 

The New forces announced their refusal to disarm 

on October 13, 2004 and clashed often with UN and 

FANCI soldiers. The government implemented air 

strikes against the rebel forces in a bombardment of the 

rebel base in Bouaké. A French base in Bouaké was also 

bombed, supposedly by accident. The French responded 

with an attack on Yamassoukro Airport and took over the 

Abidjan Airport. Hundreds of French citizens and other 

Westerners were evacuated by French Army helicopters 

from the roofs of buildings. In continued clashes with 

Ivorian national troops, the French military destroyed 

the entire Ivorian Air force, leading to widespread anti- 

French protests. 

On November 13, 2004, the President of the Ivorian 

National Assembly Mamadou Coulibaly announced that 

the government had played no role in the bombardment 

of French bases in Bouaké and was determined to 

confront France in the International Court of Justice 

for the destruction of its air force 46 . The United Nations 

implemented an arms embargo against Côte d’Ivoire 

through Security Council Resolution 1572. 

Ivorian leaders met in Pretoria, South Africa in April 

2005, declaring in the Pretoria Agreement and end to 

the war. New Force troops began disarming in late April. 

Presidential elections were planned for late October 2005 

but delayed due to disarmament measures. The main 

Ivorian political parties appealed to the UN in October to 

reject proposals of the AU to maintain Laurent Gbagbo in 

power for a year beyond the end of his mandate, but the 

Security Council approved the proposals. Disarmament 

proceeded throughout the following months between 

the pro-government forces and the rebels. The Ivorian 

national football team’s qualification for the World Cup 

brought reduced tensions and encouraged peace talks. 

On March 4, 2007, the New Forces and the government 

signed a peace agreement in Burkina Faso. New Forces 

leader Guillaume Soro was appointed prime minister of 

Côte d’Ivoire. In mid-April, the UN zone of confidence 

began to be dismantled and Gbagbo declared an official 

end to the war. Government forces began returning to 

areas previously held by the New Forces and Gbagbo 

made an official visit to the North in a symbolic 

disarmament ceremony in late July 47 . 

Thousands of Ivorian refugees fled the country to 

refugee camps in neighboring countries to await the end 

of the conflict. The official end of fighting, however, did 

little to relieve the struggles of the thousands of displaced 

persons as a result of the years of war and Ivorian conflict. 

Villages, homes and businesses throughout Côte d’Ivoire, 

most notably in the western and northern regions of 

the country, had been destroyed in the intense violence. 

The conflict had also produced large-scale looting and 

robberies in many Ivorian towns and cities. Months after 

the signing of the Pretoria Agreement, the country still 

did not appear to possess the adequate personnel and 

resources to address all of the humanitarian concerns 

of displaced persons or to ensure their safety during 

reintegration. 

CURRENT SITUATION 

2010 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION 

Presidential elections were postponed continuously 

from 2005 to October 2010. On December 2, 2010, 

the Ivorian Commission Electorale Indépendante (CEI) 

announced preliminary results showing that Alassane 

Ouattara had won the election in the second round 

with 54% of the vote. The FPI contested the results to 

the Constitutional Council on the grounds that New 

Forces in the northern departments had corrupted the 

results, despite the careful scrutiny and attention paid 

by international observers. Paul Yao N’Dre, President of 

the Constitutional Council, announced publicly that the 

CEI had no authority to announce the results as it had 

missed its deadline and it was thus under the authority 

of the Constitutional Council to announce the decision. 

The Constitutional Council was widely seen as favoring 


Gbagbo with N’Dre himself a known ally of Laurent 

Gbagbo 48 . 

The Constitutional Council cancelled the results of 

several northern departments on the grounds of election 

fraud and declared Gbagbo the winner of the election 

with 51% of the vote on December 3, 2010, even 

though CEI results attested the opposite. Both Ouattara 

and Gbagbo claimed themselves to be the legitimate 

elected president of Côte d’Ivoire. Ouattara was formally 

recognized as the official president of Côte d’Ivoire by the 

New Forces, the United Nations, the African Union (AU), 

the European Union (EU), the Economic Community 

of West African States (ECOWAS), and nations of the 

general international and regional communities. The UN 

Security Council issued an official resolution recognizing 

the legitimacy of Ouattara’s presidency. The Ivorian 

military sided with Gbagbo and sealed the borders to the 

country 49 . 

On December 4, 2010, Gbagbo was sworn into a 

five-year term in office. Prime Minister Soro resigned on 

the same day in a show of support for Ouattara. Only 

the Angolan and Lebanese ambassadors were present for 

his swearing-in. A wave of intense tensions and violent 

protests gripped Côte d’Ivoire. Gbagbo replaced Soro 

with Gilbert Aké as prime minister. Alassane Ouattara 

was sworn in a couple days afterwards in a separate 

inauguration and reappointed Soro as his prime minister 50 . 

FAILED ATTEMPTS AT NEGOTIATION 

The country was split with supporters of Gbagbo 

and supporters of Alassane protesting the double 

inaugurations. The scene dissolved into multiple violent 

clashes between Ivorian security forces and civilians. 

Thabo Mbeki, former president of South Africa, was sent 

by the African Union to facilitate talks between Gbagbo 


and Ouattara. The presidents of various African countries 

were also sent to Côte d’Ivoire by ECOWAS to convince 

Gbagbo to resign before military forces were deployed. 

After his refusal, ECOWAS and the AU suspended Côte 

d’Ivoire’s membership and the U.S. deployed sanctions 

against Gbagbo and his allies. The World Bank halted 

loans to the country, and travel restrictions were placed 

on Gbagbo and his political allies. 

Gbagbo requested a recount of votes by an 

independent committee in January 2011. International 

sanctions levied against Gbagbo reduced Gbagbo’s 

ability to finance the Ivorian armed forces, causing 

many defections. During the conflict, Ouattara sought 

shelter in the Golf Hotel in Abidjan, guarded by UN 

peacekeepers. Troops loyal to Gbagbo surrounded the 

Golf Hotel, preventing UN trucks from bringing needed 

provisions including food and water into the hotel 51 . 

Activists organized multiple protests to call for 

Laurent Gbagbo’s removal from power. Demonstrations 

of nonviolent resistance were organized both within 

Côte d’Ivoire and internationally. Peaceful protests of 

women and youth in Abidjan, including one organized 

on International Women’s Day, were met with armed 

security forces opening fire on the crowds, killing dozens 

and injuring hundreds. 

OUTBREAK OF CIVIL WAR 

Starting in late December, there were numerous 

eruptions of violence between Gbagbo and Ouattara 

supporters in major Ivorian cities, causing multiple deaths 

throughout Côte d’Ivoire. The existence of mass graves 

was reported in many Ivorian towns. Clashes between 

pro-Gbagbo troops and pro-Ouattara forces killed 44 

in Abidjan and Yamoussoukro on December 16, 2010, 

44 in Duékoué in early January 2011, 11 in Abidjan in 

January 2011, 25 near Abidjan in February 2011, and 

over a hundred in March of the same year 52 . Security 

forces and rebel groups used automatic weapons and 

grenades during much of the conflict. Foreign businesses 

and UN offices were targeted by Gbagbo supporters. 

There were multiple accounts of rape and assault against 

women. Shells erupted in a crowded marketplace in the 

town of Abobo in mid- March, killing multiple civilians. 

The violence in Abidjan erupted in heavy fighting 

throughout the western half of Côte d’Ivoire in late 

February. Anti-Gbagbo troops, organized as the 

Republican Forces of Côte d’Ivoire (RFCI) attempted to 

close the Ivorian border with Liberia, from where it was 

reported that Gbagbo was recruiting mercenary soldiers. 


23


Over 1,000 civilians were killed in a bloody massacre 

in late March in a neighborhood in the town of Duékoué. 

Fighting had erupted over issues of the presidency as well 

as cocoa exports and farming rights between the Guere, 

the region’s traditional landowners, and the migrant 

workers. The United Nations reported the involvement 

of both pro-Gbagbo and pro-Ouattara forces in the 

massacre. Gbagbo’s troops had fired on the civilians 

in Duékoué and civilians had been killed by dozos, 

traditional Ivorian hunters in support of Ouattara. Prime 

Minister Soro claimed that Gbagbo security forces and 

Liberian mercenary troops were responsible for over 200 

deaths, 1000 gunfire injuries, 40 disappearances, and 

732 arrests by March 2010 53 . 

On March 28, 2011, Ouattara declared that all 

peaceful solutions to the crisis had been exhausted and 

the RFCI launched a military offensive throughout the 

entire country. The government shut down electricity 

and water lines to the northern half of the country. The 

RFCI quickly took control of most of the western half 

of the country and many key ports. UN forces were 

deployed in Côte d’Ivoire in early April with helicopter 

attacks on weapon bases uses by Gbagbo forces. 

ARREST OF GBAGBO AND REDUCTION OF 

VIOLENCE 

On April 11, 2011, Ouattara’s forces stormed the 

Presidential Palace and arrested Laurent Gbagbo with 

the help of French forces. He was taken to Ouattara’s 

headquarters at the Golf Hotel, where he was put under 

the supervision of UN peacekeepers. Guillaume Soro 

formed a new government on June 1, 2011, which 

excluded all Gbagbo supporters. Laurent Gbagbo 

and his wife Simone remained under house arrest in 

separate locations in northern Côte d’Ivoire from April 

to August 2011. Both were charged with economic 

crimes including embezzlement in mid- August. The 

government requested the assistance of the International 

Criminal Court in investigating charges of violence 54 . 

It was announced that a legislative election would 

be held by December 15, 2010. Côte d’Ivoire’s 

presidential elections have been scheduled for October 

31, 2010. Issues of disarmament, demobilization, and 

the reintegration of the different militia groups have, as 

of yet, not been conclusively resolved. Currently, there 

remains significant regional tension between the North 

and the South in Côte d’Ivoire. 

IMPACTS OF VIOLENCE 

The civil war further crippled the Ivorian economy. 

The prices for cocoa soared after Ouattara banned 

coffee and cocoa exports to cut Gbagbo’s funding. The 

government of Côte d’Ivoire defaulted on the payment 

of a $2.3 billion bond and many banks suspended their 

operation 55 . In response, Gbagbo had nationalized them 

and people rushed to withdraw their cash from the banks. 

Côte d’Ivoire now faces a crisis of intense capital flight. By 

early July, the United Nations lifted the sanctions against 

Ivorian enterprises and the International Monetary Fund 

lifted its sanctions on aid to Côte d’Ivoire. 

The human rights situation in Côte d’Ivoire remained 

dire. Amnesty International reported in May that both 

sides had committed crimes against humanity. Even 

after the arrest of Laurent Gbagbo in April, pro- Gbagbo 

forces sill continued to fight. It is estimated that roughly 

220 people were killed by pro-Gbagbo forces after the 

arrest of Gbagbo. On their part, Ouattara forces killed 

a reported 149 people after the arrest of Gbagbo by late 

June. 

REFUGEE SITUATION 

The intense and widespread violence throughout the 

entire country led to significant numbers of refugees 

and displaced persons, most significantly in the western 

regions of the country. By March 2011, it was estimated 

that more than 450,000 Ivorians had fled the country 56 . 

According to the UN, more than 100,000 refugees 

have fled to neighboring Liberia and significant refugee 

populations travelled to Burkina Faso, Guinea, Ghana, 

and Mali. Official numbers at myriad refugee camps 

report that approximately two- thirds of the refugees 

are children and approximately 55 percent are female. 

Refugees have come to outnumber Liberian residents in 

many border towns, including the Liberian settlement 

at Old Pohan. The Liberian President Ellen Johnson 

Sirleaf has declared the refugee situation a “serious threat 

to the stability of Liberia [as well as] the stability of all 

neighboring countries. 57 ” Liberians suffered attacks by 

government forces loyal to Laurent Gbagbo during the 

civil conflict. 

Before the violence, Côte d’Ivoire had been itself 

hosting a large number of Liberian refugees from the brutal 

civil conflict in Liberia a decade ago 58 . Many Liberian 

villagers have opened their homes to Ivorian refugees as 

camps have quickly filled beyond their capacity. It has 

become apparent that Liberia may not have the adequate 

resources to maintain growing numbers of refugees. The 


United Nations opened camps within Liberia to ease 

the economic strain. However, it has been reported that 

these UN initiatives remain significantly underfunded. 

Significant numbers of displaced people sheltered 

from the crisis in camps throughout the western regions 

of Côte d’Ivoire. According to the UN, more than 20,000 

internally displaced people have been reported near the 

cities of Danané, Duékoué and Man. Approximately 

1800 Ivorian refugees sheltered from the crisis in Saint 

Paul’s Cathedral in Abidjan. At the Catholic Mission in 

Duékoué, church officials estimated that roughly 28,000 

displaced people were seeking shelter 59 . The United 

Nations, Lebanese president and French forces provided 

assistance to facilitate the departure of foreign nationals 

during the peak of the crisis. 

The UNHCR is currently increasing its aid to the tens 

of thousands of Ivorian refugees in Liberia. There have 

been reports of shortages of food, water, and shelter all 

throughout Côte d’Ivoire and Liberia. The World Food 

Program has promised the delivery of food to Ivorian 

refugees in Liberia. As they wait for food to be distributed, 

Ivorian refugees are aiding their host communities with 

crop harvests in exchange for a portion of dietary staples 60 . 

The UNHCR ultimately aims to assist Ivorian 

refugees in their return from neighboring countries and 

ensure a peaceful and effective reintegration. Displaced 

people may be dissuaded from local reintegration by 

the still tense political environment surrounding Côte 

d’Ivoire 61 . It is clear that protection services will be 

needed to maintain the safety of these refugees as well as 

government cooperation in ensuring fair elections and 

general security for civilians. 


RELEVANT UN ACTIONS 

The United Nations and the international community 

as a whole have played a large role in the development 

and resolution of the Ivorian conflicts. UN forces and 

peacekeepers have been present in Côte d’Ivoire since 

the inception of the crises. UN aid workers have been 

working to enhance the refugee situations within Côte 

d’Ivoire and neighboring countries in West Africa. The 

United Nations High Commission on Human Rights has 

declared refugee crises in Côte d’Ivoire and neighboring 

countries following the protocols of the United Nations 

Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (1951). 

Currently, Côte d’Ivoire hosts approximately 24,800 

refugees and asylum-seekers. Over 13,000 Ivorians 

remain as refugees in neighboring countries 62 . 

The United Nations Operation in Côte d’Ivoire 

(UNOCI) was authorized by Security Council Resolution 

1528 with the objective “to facilitate the implementation 

by the Ivorian parties of the peace agreement signed 

by them in January 2003. 63 ” Its mandate was extended 

several times through the different stages of the conflict 

with each extension increasing the size of the operation 

and the number of personnel. Security Council 

Resolutions 1911 and 1933 additionally addressed the 

involvement of peacekeepers from France and Burkina 

Faso in helping to contain the conflict. UN Security 

Council Resolution 1946 extended sanctions against the 

Ivorian government, an arms embargo and a ban on the 

trade of diamonds with Côte d’Ivoire. UNOCI is now in 

effect until December 20, 2010. UN peacekeepers were 

deployed to Côte d’Ivoire to maintain regional stability 

and a “zone of confidence” separating the two parties 64 . 

On December 23, 2010, the UN Human Rights 

Council passed a resolution strongly condemning the 

human rights abuses that had taken place in Côte d’Ivoire. 

Among other regional bodies, Amnesty International 

heavily criticized the resolution for not going far enough 

in addressing the sources of conflict. UN peacekeepers 

were engaged at all stages of the conflict, fighting alongside 

French troops and anti-Gbagbo forces to ultimately 

arrest and detain Gbagbo in April 2011. Approximately 

72 UN personnel have died during UNOCI, including 

54 UN peacekeeping troops. 

The Office of the United Nations Human Rights 

Commissioner for Refugees drafted the 2011 Côte 

d’Ivoire Emergency Humanitarian Action Plan to address 

the increasing needs of refugees. The goals of this plan are 

to reduce the loss of life, offer protection and necessities 


25


to those affected by the crisis, improve humanitarian 

aid, and strengthen the coordination of the emergency 

situation. Ultimately, the UNHCR hopes to assist in the 

reintegration of displaced people into the country 65 . 

UNOCI supported the implementation of public 

hearings by the Ivorian authorities in 2007-2008, which 

provided civil documentation, including birth certificates, 

to more than 600,000 Ivorian people. However, the 

reestablishment of civil administration in certain zones, 

most notably in the northern and western regions, has 

not been completed. This has reduced access to needed 

registration documents and put hundreds of thousands at 

the risk of statelessness. Approximately 82,000 refugees 

were registered under an emergency registration process 

between late February and April 2011 66 . However, it 

is very possible that multiple refugees could have been 

registered more than once due to frequent movement 

between Liberia and Côte d’Ivoire. To date, 43,726 

Ivorian refugees have been individually registered. 

The UNHCR, despite limited funds and resources, 

has been establishing refugee camps within Côte 

d’Ivoire and within neighboring countries to assist 

the thousands of displaced people. However, reports 

of overcrowding, shortages of resources, and targeted 

violence abound in and near refugee shelters. The needs 

of refugees, asylum- seekers and IDPs are substantial. 

The procedures for refugee status determination are in 

need of improvement. Those at risk of statelessness need 

legal assistance to procure civil documents, making it a 

priority to reinforce the effective capacities of the Ivorian 

judicial and civil systems 67 . Moreover, initiatives need to 

be taken to increase the access of refugees to educational 

and nutritional services to facilitate their reintegration. 

There is also much to be done to address the safety and 

protection needs of the refugees and displaced people. 

PROPOSED SOLUTIONS 

The refugee situations in Côte d’Ivoire and neighboring 

countries have drawn the attention and concern of the 

international community as a whole. Currently, tens of 

thousands of Ivorian refugees remain internally displaced 

within the country and thousands have sought refuge in 

neighboring countries such as Liberia, Ghana, and Mali. 

The neighboring countries have accepted the throngs of 

fleeing refugees; many camps have been set up by both 

government hosts and the United Nations. However, 

it is clear that these countries are suffering a shortage 

of resources and a significant economic strain due to 

the increasing numbers of refugees. There have been 

reports of overcrowding and insufficient water and food 

supplies in refugee camps throughout West Africa. Civil 

documentation and registration services have not kept 

up with the increasing demand of refugees at a great risk 

of statelessness. Moreover, certain refugee camps were 

targeted by Ivorian forces (both pro-Gbagbo and pro- 

Ouattara) during the height of the conflict, creating a 

largely unmet need for greater protection in many border 

camps 68 . The UNHCR hopes to ultimately provide 

needed legal, nutritional, and educational services to 

Ivorian refugees and all displaced persons and support 

their local reintegration. 

THE IMPLEMENTATION OF ELECTIONS 

Elections in Côte d’Ivoire have been scheduled for 

late October. However, they by no means signal the 

resolution of all political issues within the country. Issues 

of immigration and nationality have remained largely 

unanswered within the country. There still remains great 

tension between the North and the South, between 

native Ivorians and immigrant groups, and amongst 

native Ivorian tribes themselves with respect to land 

rights. Though the inauguration of Alassane Ouattara 

reflects the first election of an Ivorian whose parents 

were not born within the country, the policy of Ivoirité 

still hangs over Côte d’Ivoire and acts of discrimination 

against immigrant groups remain common. As of yet, 

there has been little resolute dialogue between all Ivorian 

political parties to reach consensus on these matters. Most 

solutions agree that the lines of political dialogue must 

be opened throughout Côte d’Ivoire to foster discussion. 

However, it is open to debate the extent to which certain 

political parties should have a say in these determinations 

as well as in which form they should take place. 

While the Ivorian Civil War may in itself have ended, 

Côte d’Ivoire is still plagued with violence and political 

instability. It has largely been affirmed that the refugee 

problem cannot fully be resolved without addressing the 

political, social, and economic issues at the heart of the 

Ivorian conflict. Currently, it has been suggested that the 

UN mandate under UNOCI be further extended to allow 

UN peacekeepers to contribute to stabilization efforts in 

the country. It has also been suggested that the UN and 

independent organization directly oversee the conducting 

of elections in Côte d’Ivoire. Opponents argue that the 

increased presence of foreign bodies within Côte d’Ivoire 

is not entirely welcome and will only undermine the 

authority of the new Ivorian government and regional 


African bodies such as the AU. It is also uncertain as to 

the types of actions which should be taken to maintain 

stability- whether simply be peaceful means or with 

the continued use of force. A deep political divide still 

remains between the northern and southern regions of 

the country. Many opponents of the new government, 

especially in the South, are still slow to recognize Ouattara 

as the democratically elected president of Côte d’Ivoire. 

Some proposals cite the heavy tension between regions as 

creating the need for a political partition of the country 

into separate spheres of influence which, depending on 

the degree of the accepted resolution, may produce two 

separately controlled states out of Côte d’Ivoire. 

THE SHELTERING OF REFUGEES IN THE 

REGION 

There have been many proposed solutions directly 

relating to the sheltering of refugees both within and 

outside Côte d’Ivoire. It has been suggested that the 

Ivorian refugees should remain within refugee camps in 

neighboring countries until a suitable end to the political 

crisis is reached. These camps have the advantage of relative 

proximity to the Ivorian towns from which refugees are 

departing; refugees too tend to share similar backgrounds 

and experiences to the residents of neighboring countries, 

many of which have undergone their own political 

crises. Côte d’Ivoire and neighboring countries such as 

Liberia, Mali, and Ghana are all signatories to the 1951 

Refugee Convention and the 1967 Protocol governing 

the standards of conduct with respect to refugees 69 . 


However, the strain on resources has been significant in 

recent months, especially in light of the declining global 

economic situation. The UNHCR has recommended 

the adoption of a national law on refugees and asylum. 

Liberia in particular is hosting the greatest number 

of Ivorian refugees outside of Côte d’Ivoire. Liberia’s 

situation is unique in that it itself was a point of departure 

for refugees in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Thousands 

of refugees of the Liberian civil war flocked to Côte 

d’Ivoire during that period; a large percentage of those 

that remained in Côte d’Ivoire after the conflict found 

themselves fleeing back to formerly instable regions 

during 2011 70 . The political situation in Côte d’Ivoire 

has improved modestly during the last decade; however, 

the strain caused by the war has had a lasting impact on 

the Liberian economy. 

Though these neighboring countries have been 

accepting of Ivorian refugees, there have been multiple 

issues regarding the exact responsibility of the host 

countries to the displaced persons. For instance, the 

duration of time during which these countries must host 

refugees and the types of provisions that must be provided 

by these countries are still issues of controversy. Given the 

difficulty in acquiring civil documents for the displaced, 

issues relating to the treatment of long-displaced refugees 

in risk of statelessness have also emerged. It has been 

suggested that long-displaced refugees be incorporated 

as legitimate members of their host countries; other 

proposals suggest the granting of Ivorian civil certificates 

and special asylum status to displaced persons within 

Côte d’Ivoire 71 . 

THE ROLE OF FOREIGN NATIONS 

To ease the economic strain on the neighboring 

countries, it has been further proposed that foreign 

nations play a larger role in assisting with the refugee 

situation, though it is unclear exactly what this role would 

be. Certain proposals suggest that UN member nations 

simply increase their economic aide to Côte d’Ivoire 

and neighboring countries; others suggest the hosting of 

Ivorian refugees by foreign nations as far as France and 

the United States. Any resolutions incorporating such 

proposals must determine the methods of transport by 

which refugees may be moved to other nations, which 

nations are obligated to participate, and the treatment of 

refugees and asylum-seekers in asylum-granting countries. 


27


Questions A Resolution Must Answer (QARMA) 

A resolution to the refugee crises in Côte d’Ivoire and 

neighboring countries must address the protection, shelter, 

and documentation needs of West African refugees in 

light of the political, social, and economic turmoil that 

still abound in the region. A good resolution should 

acknowledge all of these issues and address (but not limit 

itself to) the questions below. There is substantial room 

for creativity and initiative with regards to the tackling of 

these issues; factors such as the historical divide between 

certain indigenous Ivorian groups and the production 

of cocoa within the country, for instance, may emerge 

during committee discussion. 

Should the refugees now living in refugee camps in 

countries bordering the Côte d’Ivoire be moved, 

as they are seen as a threat to the host countries’ 

national security, or should the refugees be allowed 

to remain there? If the latter, how can the UNHCR 

help to alleviate the host countries’ concerns? 

Before the Second Civil War occurred, Côte d’Ivoire 

housed many refugees from other countries in crisis, 

particularly Liberia. What should happen to these 

refugees now that Côte d’Ivoire is facing its own 

crisis? 

How can the UNHCR ensure the safety and health of 

the millions of people affected by this crisis? 

Should countries outside of West Africa be responsible 

for contributing to the UNHCR’s mission in the 

Côte d’Ivoire? 

How should the UNHCR address the problem of 

statelessness among those affected by the crisis in 

the Côte d’Ivoire? 

BLOC POSITIONS 

Multiple viewpoints and perspectives have emerged 

from different countries regarding the appropriate 

handling of the Ivorian political conflict and resulting 

refugee crises. The safety and protection of refugees is an 

internationally recognized objective. However, natural 

distinctions arise regarding the best ways to achieve this 

goal and the appropriate roles of certain nations in the 

pursuit of this end. Generally, countries neighboring Côte 

d’Ivoire have continued to host the increasing number 

of refugees but have declared publicly that their political 

stability and economic have suffered under the weight 

of this task. Other countries are united in their resolve 

that foreign powers should dedicate more economic and 

military assistance to aid in maintaining the security 

and stability of the Ivorian political landscape. Still 

others hold steadfast in their resolve that the national 

sovereignty of Côte d’Ivoire and the West African region 

should be respected above all else. 

CÔTE D’IVOIRE 

Côte d’Ivoire is still recovering from the waves of 

violence that have racked the country for almost a decade 

in civil wars and political conflicts. The number of 

refugees has not held constant, however; acts of violence, 

discrimination and dissent have maintained everincreasing 

numbers of refugees and displaced individuals. 

Recently, for instance, there have been numerous accounts 

of the burning of villages and businesses in multiple 

regions of the country out of dissatisfaction with the 

outcome of the presidential elections and general deeplyrooted 

antagonism against immigrant groups. 

Côte d’Ivoire’s refugee facilities were already being 

tested to capacity before the 2010 conflicts by the 

large numbers of refugees from the Ivorian civil wars 72 . 

Additionally, Côte d’Ivoire had been hosting numbers 

of Liberian refugees for years following the turmoil of 

the Liberian civil war. Today, protection and needed 

resources for the thousands of internally displaced persons 

are severely limited. Côte d’Ivoire had hosted many of 

the refugees from other West African countries in the 

homes and villages of Ivorian residents, many of which 

underwent devastating sieges and destruction during 

the recent conflict. Though the country has scheduled 

elections and restored the democratically elected 

president to power, the situation in Côte d’Ivoire is still 

defined by great instability. The Ivorian government has 

requested international assistance, including significant 

monetary aid, to help mitigate the refugee crises. 

LIBERIA AND NEIGHBORING COUNTRIES 

The countries neighboring Côte d’Ivoire have 

accepted the great numbers of refugees fleeing Côte 

d’Ivoire. Liberia specifically is hosting the greatest 

numbers of Ivorian refugees outside Côte d’Ivoire; large 

numbers of displaced persons are also seeking shelter 

in Ghana, Mali, and Burkina Faso. These neighboring 

West African countries have played a large role in the 

developments in Côte d’Ivoire. Burkina Faso was reported 

to have supplied rebel troops with weapons during the 

Ivorian civil war. Large numbers of Burkinabes from the 


country immigrated into Côte d’Ivoire within the last 

decade; these immigrant groups have been targeted for 

acts of discrimination and violence by native Ivorians for 

years 73 . The election of Alassane Ouattara to the Ivorian 

presidency was generally supported by all neighboring 

West African countries. 

The maintenance of refugee camps within the 

neighboring countries has placed a significant strain on 

the resources of these countries. Moreover, the targeting 

of refugee camps by dissident forces during the height 

of the conflict has led many of these countries to declare 

national security crises with respect to their roles in the 

Ivorian crises 74 . The president of Liberia openly decried 

the loss of stability experienced by Liberia and the West 

African region as a whole as a result of their hosting of 

refugees 75 . 

In general, the countries neighboring Côte d’Ivoire 

are continuing to accept the numbers of refugees. Many 

of these countries had themselves sent refugees to Côte 

d’Ivoire during tumultuous periods of their history 76 . 

However, the proposal of integrating the refugees into 

their host societies may cause great tension within these 

countries due to their effects on local resources and the 

indeterminate nature of the asylum period. 

SUPPORTERS OF THE MILITARY 

INTERVENTION OF CÔTE D’IVOIRE 

Countries all over the world were generally united 

in condemning the administration of Laurent Gbagbo 

during his refusal to relinquish power after the 2010 

democratic elections. Many have also stood firm in the 

condemnation of widespread human rights abuses within 

Côte d’Ivoire, especially the use of force against civilians, 

villages, and businesses. 

A large number of these countries sent troops to Côte 

d’Ivoire under the United Nations UNOCI mandate. 

France, most notably, has had a significant presence in 

Côte d’Ivoire throughout the decades of civil war. Its 

involvement stems from its position as the former ruling 

colonial power in Côte d’Ivoire. The assistance of French 

troops facilitated the April 2011 capture of Laurent 

Gbagbo, the maintenance of the “zone of confidence” 

in the middle of the country, and the end of fighting 

in the First and Second Ivorian Civil Wars. French and 

American troops also aided in the evacuation of foreign 

nationals from Côte d’Ivoire during the conflict. The 

United States gave limited economic and military aid 

during the conflict. Currently, representatives from 


France and other Western power nations are still present 

within the country 77 . 

Following the issues with the 2010 Ivorian democratic 

elections, France has suggested playing a larger role in the 

overseeing of the upcoming 2011 elections. With regards 

to the Ivorian refugee situation, many of these countries 

are willing to moderately increase their economic 

assistance to the country through UN programs and 

other international bodies. The hosting of refugees has 

been deemed less feasible by many of these governments, 

which have severely restricted asylum and immigration 

policies due to recent increases in the number of asylumseekers 

worldwide 78 . 

OPPONENTS OF THE MILITARY 

INTERVENTION OF CÔTE D’IVOIRE 

Many countries throughout the world, though 

supportive of the spirit of the rebellions in Côte d’Ivoire, 

have expressed their condemnation toward the military 

use of force by foreign nations in the Ivorian conflicts. 

There were multiple demonstrations in countries such as 

Canada and Ireland against France’s military intervention 

in Côte d’Ivoire, which were believed to have been limiting 

the opportunities for needed humanitarian assistance 79 . 

Some of these countries directly argue that the increased 

involvement of foreign nations is undermining the efforts 

of the African Union, ECOWAS, and other regional 

bodies 80 . To a good extent, these countries are willing 

to support humanitarian efforts in the region to target 

the refugee crisis; however, they remain resolute in their 

affirmations of the negative ramifications of the use of 

force by foreign nations in the crises. 

SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH 

To familiarize yourself with the basic outlines, events, 

and issues related to the Ivorian conflict and refugee 

situations, I would recommend starting out with a basic 

search of the Ivorian political situation on Google and 

Wikipedia. These sources will provide good background 

of the conflicts overall, but be sure to delve further into 

issues related to the history, economy, and political 

landscape of Côte d’Ivoire using readily available journals, 

newspapers, books, and other sources. 

The UNHCR has extensively tracked the numbers 

of Ivorian refugees both within the country and in 

neighboring nations. I would suggest downloading 

the Côte d’Ivoire Emergency Humanitarian Action 

Plan 2011 and reading up on the stated goals and 

objectives of the UN in response to the Ivorian refugee 


29


crisis. UN websites such as http://www.irinnews.org/ 

country.aspx?Country=CI also contain vast amounts 

of information on recent and historic developments in 

Côte d’Ivoire. The World Health Organization, Amnesty 

International, and the International Monetary Fund are 

good sources to obtain reasonably objective summaries 

of the human rights issues and conditions in refugee 

camps within the region. It would also be helpful to 

look to the reports of other regional and international 

organizations such as the AU, EU, and ECOWAS for 

their reports and recommended actions relating to the 

Ivorian refugee crises. 

The involvement of numerous foreign nations and 

agencies has been well reported by numerous government 

departments, including the U.S. Department of State. 

Look into these sources to discover the stances and 

justifications for action or inaction of numerous foreign 

states in the conflict. Also look to articles, graphics, and 

editorials in such newspapers at The New York Times, 

the UK Guardian, and the Washington Post for up-todate 

reports of the events and developments in the crisis. 

BBC News, the Christian Science Monitor, and regional 

African news sources are also useful in their assessment of 

recent events. International newspapers from countries 

such as France also provide detailed accounts of the roles 

of specific countries in the conflicts; the translations of 

many of these newspapers can usually be found online. 

Journals such as the Economist also serve as a good 

resource for analyses of the economic, political, and 

social implications of different events and developments 

in the region as well as stocks of proposed solutions given 

by professional figures on the matters. 

Make sure to consider all sides of the relevant issues 

as thoroughly as possible. For instance, the claims and 

grievance of both Ouattara supporters and those loyal to 

Laurent Gbagbo during the recent presidential conflict 

should be analyzed to obtain a complete picture of 

events. Though it is of extreme importance to look into 

first-hand accounts from refugees and speeches from 

rebel leaders or government officials in your research 

of the conflict, take note of the emotional appeals and 

subjectivity in many of these counts. Overall, be creative 

in your research; take advantage of the wide range of 

sources available to you concerning many of these issues! 

POSITION PAPER REQUIREMENTS 

Position papers are a crucial part of any Model 

United Nations committee, as they serve two very 

important purposes. Firstly, writing the position paper 

is very helpful for delegates as it will promote your 

understanding of the main policies of the country that 

you are representing; including where your country 

stands on the issue, what actions it has taken in the past; 

and what it hopes to achieve at our upcoming conference. 

Secondly, the position papers that are written by each 

delegation can prove to be very helpful for other delegates 

as well. For instance, groups of countries may exchange 

position papers to find out more about the specific 

details of different countries’ policies in the early sessions 

when lobbying and negotiations are still in their nascent 

stages. The end goal of the position paper is to improve 

delegates’ understanding of the topics being discussed, 

and ultimately to promote better debate in committee. 

You should take care in writing these position papers, 

making sure that they are clear and concise, and that they 

include the necessary information stipulated below. 

Position papers should include a header with (i) 

your full name/s, (ii) the topic area of the position 

paper, (iii) the country that you are representing, and 

(iv) the high school you are from. They should be singlespaced, 

in Times New Roman size 12 font, and should 

generally be organized into three main parts. The first 

part should include a statement of the problem and what 

your country sees as the most important aspects of the 

topic. You should demonstrate how the problem relates 

specifically to your country and why it is something that 

you are hoping to talk about. The second part should 

describe your country’s policies on the issue and what 

action it has taken in the past, and the third part should 

delineate potential solutions to the problem that your 

country would support. In certain cases, it is possible 

that you may not be able to find specific information 

regarding what future solutions your country would 

support. If this is the case, the best approach would be to 

research the broader policies of your country and try to 

think of solutions on your own that you determine to be 

relevant. To be clear, you are expected to write a position 

paper for each of the two topics being debated in your 

committee; that is to say, you must prepare roughly two 

single-spaced pages in total. 

If you have any questions or concerns as you prepare 

these feel free to email me at unhcr@harvardmun.org 

and I will do my very best to help you! You might also 

consider speaking to your school’s MUN Faculty Adviser 

if you have one, or a more experienced student at your 

school who can mentor you. Your position paper is a 

critical first step in performing well in committee. Take 



this task seriously as it will help you tremendously down 

the road. Good luck! 

CLOSING REMARKS 

Hopefully, you will all leave this conference with a 

profound sense of accomplishment, many new friends 

and contacts, and a much greater understanding of the 

refugee situations and crises facing millions worldwide. 

HMUN is truly a forum for ideas- I encourage all of 

you to make yours heard throughout the entire process. 

Actively participate in committee discussions, debates, 

and draft resolutions. Don’t be afraid to respectfully 

challenge certain ideas and assumptions. Moreover, make 

sure to take advantage of all of your resources before and 

during the conference. Familiarize yourselves with the 

study guide and put time into your position papers. The 

crises on which we will be focusing are extremely dynamic 

in nature, so be cognizant of recent events related to 

each issue and analyze the effectiveness of relevant 

international policies and guidelines. Above all, come 

to UNHCR with an open mind! Convince others and 

allow yourselves to be surprised. You should be prepared 

to compromise and negotiate while championing the 

individual interests you each represent. Don’t hesitate to 

contact me with any questions - I am just an email away. 

Enjoy your preparations! 

ENDNOTES 

TOPIC A 

1 “History of UNHCR.” UNHCR. Web. 1 Oct. 2011. . 

2 Ibid. 

3 Ibid. 

4 “UNHCR Marks 60th Anniversary of Refugee Convention.” UNHCR. Web. 17 Sept. 2011. . 

6 Alterman, Jon B. “The Revolution Will Not Be Tweeted.” The Washington Quarterly 34.4 (2011). Print. 

7 “The Arab Uprisings: Democracy’s Hard Spring.” The Economist - World News, Politics, Economics, 

Business & Finance. Web. 14 Sept. 2011. 

8 “The Middle East and the West, A Troubled History.” NPR. Web. 23 Sept. 2011. . 

12 “Iraq.” Refugees International. Web. 1 Oct. 2011. . 

13 Ryan, Yasmine. “How Tunisia’s Revolution Began.” AJE - Al Jazeera English. Web. 16 Sept. 2011. 

14 Ibid. 

15 Masoud, Tarek. “Liberty, Democracy, and Discord in Egypt.” The Washington Quarterly 34.4 (2011). Print. 

16 Ibid. 

17 Randiree, Bilal. “Inside the ‘Arab Spring’” AJE - Al Jazeera English. Web. 16 Sept. 2011. . 

19 Freeland, Chrystia. “Lessons From Central Europe for the Arab Spring.” The New York Times. Web. 15 Sept. 

2011. . 

20 Ryan, Yasmine. “How Tunisia’s Revolution Began.” AJE - Al Jazeera English. Web. 16 Sept. 2011. 

21 Randiree, Bilal. “Inside the ‘Arab Spring’” AJE - Al Jazeera English. Web. 16 Sept. 2011.


65 United Nations. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. Côte d’Ivoire Emergency 

Humanitarian Action Plan 2011. Print. 

66 Ibid. 

67 Ibid. 

68 “Côte d’Ivoire: Both Sides Responsible for War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity.” Amnesty International. 

25 May 2011. Web. 26 Sept. 2011. . 

69 McClanahan, Paige. “Liberians, Once Refugees Themselves, Aid Those Fleeing Ivory Coast - CSMonitor. 

com.” The Christian Science Monitor. 20 Jan. 2011. Web. 01 Oct. 2011. . 

70 Ibid. 

71 McClanahan, Paige. “Aid Workers Rush to Help Ivory Coast Refugees Flooding into Liberia - CSMonitor. 

com.” The Christian Science Monitor. 11 Jan. 2011. Web. 01 Oct. 2011. . 

72 Ibid. 

73 “Côte d’Ivoire and Liberia: Fear of Contagion.” The Economist. 6 Jan. 2011. Web. 02 Oct. 2011. . 

74 “Refugees Tell of Ivory Coast Violence after Fleeing to Liberia.” Dir. Tamasin Ford and Rachel Stevenson. 

The Guardian, 8 Apr. 2011. Web. 1 Oct. 2011. . 

75 Ibid. 

76 Ibid. 

77 Dufka, Corinne. “The Case for Intervention in the Ivory Coast.” Human Rights Watch. 25 Mar. 2011. Web. 

04 Oct. 2011. . 

78 Ibid. 

79 “Côte d’Ivoire: Finding Peace after Power Shift.” IRIN. United Nations, 18 Aug. 2011. Web. 25 Aug. 2011. 

. 

80 Ibid. 



BIBLIOGRAPHIC ESSAY 

“2000 Ivoirian Constitution.” Embassy of the United States Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire. Web. 01 Oct. 2011.


Dufka, Corinne. “The Case for Intervention in the Ivory Coast.” Human Rights Watch. 25 Mar. 2011. Web. 04 

Oct. 2011. . 

Ford, Liz. “Britain Announces Emergency Aid for Ivory Coast Refugees.” The Guardian. 28 Mar. 2011. Web. 

24 Sept. 2011. . 

Foulkes, Imogen. “Ivory Coast: UN Warns of Forgotten Humanitarian Crisis.” BBC News [Geneva] 22 Mar. 

2011. Print. 

Freeland, Chrystia. “Lessons From Central Europe for the Arab Spring.” The New York Times. Web. 15 Sept. 

2011. . 

“History of UNHCR.” UNHCR. Web. 1 Oct. 2011. . 

“Hundreds of Lives Lost in Ivory Coast amidst Slow International Response.” Human Rights Watch. 25 Mar. 

2011. Web. 02 Oct. 2011. . 

“Iraq.” Refugees International. Web. 1 Oct. 2011. . 

Khalidi, Rashid. “The Arab Spring.” The Nation. Web. 15 Sept. 2011. . 

Masoud, Tarek. “Liberty, Democracy, and Discord in Egypt.” The Washington Quarterly 34.4 (2011). Print. 

McClanahan, Paige. “Aid Workers Rush to Help Ivory Coast Refugees Flooding into Liberia - CSMonitor.com.” The 

Christian Science Monitor. 11 Jan. 2011. Web. 01 Oct. 2011. . 

McClanahan, Paige. “Liberians, Once Refugees Themselves, Aid Those Fleeing Ivory Coast - CSMonitor.com.” The 

Christian Science Monitor. 20 Jan. 2011. Web. 01 Oct. 2011. . 

“The Middle East and the West, A Troubled History.” NPR. Web. 23 Sept. 2011. . 

Nasr, Vali. “If the Arab Spring Turns Ugly.” The New York Times. 27 Aug. 2011. Web. 15 Sept. 2011. . 

Nossiter, Adam. “Election Results Challenged in Ivory Coast.” New York Times 2 Dec. 2010. Print. 

Nossiter, Adam. “Political Crisis in Ivory Coast Cripples a City.” New York Times 1 Mar. 2011. Print. 

Peck, Tom. “Arab Spring Refugees Not Welcome Here, Says William Hague.” The Independent. 23 May 2011. 

Web. 1 Oct. 2011. . 



Randiree, Bilal. “Inside the ‘Arab Spring’” AJE - Al Jazeera English. Web. 16 Sept. 2011. . 

“Refugees from Political Crisis Could Surpass 100,000, UN Says.” France 24, 2 Jan. 2011. Web. 2 Oct. 2011. 

. 

“Refugees Tell of Ivory Coast Violence after Fleeing to Liberia.” Dir. Tamasin Ford and Rachel Stevenson. The 

Guardian, 8 Apr. 2011. Web. 1 Oct. 2011. . 

Rubin, Neville. “Africa and Refugees.” African Affairs 73.292 (1974): 290-311. Print. 

Ryan, Yasmine. “How Tunisia’s Revolution Began.” AJE - Al Jazeera English. Web. 16 Sept. 2011. . 

Ulack, Chris. “The Arab Spring’s Looming Refugee Crisis by Chris Ulack | The Middle East Channel.” The Middle 

East Channel | FOREIGN POLICY. Web. 10 Sept. 2011. . 

United Nations. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. Côte d’Ivoire Emergency Humanitarian 

Action Plan 2011. Print. 

“UNHCR Marks 60th Anniversary of Refugee Convention.” UNHCR. Web. 17 Sept. 2011. . 


35

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