UN High Commissioner for Refugees - Harvard Model United Nations
UN High Commissioner for Refugees - Harvard Model United Nations
UN High Commissioner for Refugees - Harvard Model United Nations
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<strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong><br />
<strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
TABLE OF CONTENTS<br />
Introduction 5<br />
History of the Committee 5<br />
Topic Area A 6<br />
Topic Area B 18<br />
Position Paper Requirements 30<br />
Closing Remarks 31<br />
Bibliographic Essay 33<br />
Topic Area A:<br />
Topic Area B:<br />
<strong>Refugees</strong> of the Arab Spring<br />
The Ivorian Refugee Crisis<br />
Statement of the Problem<br />
History of the Problem<br />
Current Situation<br />
Relevant <strong>UN</strong> Actions<br />
Proposed Solutions<br />
Questions a Resoultion Must Answer<br />
Bloc Positions<br />
Suggestions <strong>for</strong> Further Research<br />
6<br />
7<br />
11<br />
14<br />
14<br />
15<br />
16<br />
18<br />
Statement of the Problem<br />
History of the Problem<br />
Current Situation<br />
Relevant <strong>UN</strong> Actions<br />
Proposed Solutions<br />
Questions a Resoultion Must Answer<br />
Bloc Positions<br />
Suggestions <strong>for</strong> Further Research<br />
18<br />
19<br />
22<br />
25<br />
26<br />
28<br />
28<br />
29<br />
Economic and Social Council<br />
& Regional Bodies
<strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
<strong>Harvard</strong> <strong>Model</strong> <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> 2012<br />
A Letter From the Secretary General<br />
Dear Delegates,<br />
Hunter M. Richard<br />
Secretary-General<br />
Stephanie N. Oviedo<br />
Director-General<br />
Ana Choi<br />
Under-Secretary-General<br />
Administration<br />
Ainsley Faux<br />
Under-Secretary-General<br />
Business<br />
Alexandra M. Harsacky<br />
Comptroller<br />
Sofia Hou<br />
Under-Secretary-General<br />
Innovation and Technology<br />
Juliana Cherston<br />
Under-Secretary-General<br />
General Assembly<br />
Ethan Lyle<br />
Under-Secretary-General<br />
Economic and Social Council<br />
Charlene S. Wong<br />
Under-Secretary-General<br />
Specialized Agencies<br />
I could not be more honored to welcome you to the fifty-ninth session of <strong>Harvard</strong> <strong>Model</strong><br />
<strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong>. Our entire staff of 205 <strong>Harvard</strong> undergraduates is eager to join with you<br />
this January at the Sheraton Boston <strong>for</strong> an exciting weekend of debate, diplomacy, and<br />
cultural exchange. You and your 3,000 fellow delegates join a long legacy of individuals<br />
passionate about international affairs and about the pressing issues confronting our World.<br />
Founded in 1927 as <strong>Harvard</strong> <strong>Model</strong> League of <strong>Nations</strong>, our organization has evolved<br />
into one of America’s oldest, largest, and most international <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> simulations.<br />
Drawing from this rich history, <strong>Harvard</strong> <strong>Model</strong> <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> has strived to emphasize<br />
and promote the unique impact of the <strong>UN</strong> and its mandates in the eradication of<br />
humanity’s greatest problems. Despite its difficulties and often-un<strong>for</strong>tunate image in the<br />
press, the <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> is truly a global body with representation of 193-member states<br />
and is the closest the World has ever achieved to a “Parliament of Man.”<br />
At HM<strong>UN</strong>, we strive to recreate this body and the international environment it fosters<br />
through our emphasis on welcoming more and more international delegations to our<br />
conference each year. For the fifty-ninth session, HM<strong>UN</strong> is proud to welcome delegations<br />
from over 35 countries to share their experiences with others from across the World. Not<br />
only can you debate global issues in committee, but also discuss the China-US relations<br />
with a delegate hailing from Shanghai or EU economic policy with a delegate from<br />
Germany. I encourage you to go above and beyond research and discussions within your<br />
committee to learn from your fellow delegates.<br />
In this guide, you are about to embark on a valuable intellectual endeavor. Your committee<br />
director has worked tirelessly to research and compile this extensive background guide.<br />
Please use it as a foundation in your own research <strong>for</strong> committee and to contribute to<br />
your debates and final resolutions. I wish you the best of luck in your preparation and in<br />
committee this January.<br />
Sincerely,<br />
59 Shepard Street, Box 205<br />
Cambridge, MA 02138<br />
Voice: (617)-398-0772<br />
Fax: (617) 588-0285<br />
Email: info@harvardmun.org<br />
www.harvardmun.org<br />
Hunter Richard<br />
Secretary-General<br />
<strong>Harvard</strong> <strong>Model</strong> <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong><br />
secgen@harvardmun.org<br />
22 Economic and Social Council Specialized & Regional Agencies Bodies
<strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
<strong>Harvard</strong> <strong>Model</strong> <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> 2012<br />
Dear Delegates of the Economic and Social Council & Regional Bodies,<br />
It is my distinct honor and high privilege to welcome you to the Economic and Social Council &<br />
Regional Bodies organ of <strong>Harvard</strong> <strong>Model</strong> <strong>United</strong> Nation’s 59th session.<br />
Hunter M. Richard<br />
Secretary-General<br />
Stephanie N. Oviedo<br />
Director-General<br />
Ana Choi<br />
Under-Secretary-General<br />
Administration<br />
Ainsley Faux<br />
Under-Secretary-General<br />
Business<br />
Alexandra M. Harsacky<br />
Comptroller<br />
Sofia Hou<br />
Under-Secretary-General<br />
Innovation and Technology<br />
Juliana Cherston<br />
Under-Secretary-General<br />
General Assembly<br />
Ethan Lyle<br />
Under-Secretary-General<br />
Economic and Social Council<br />
Charlene S. Wong<br />
Under-Secretary-General<br />
Specialized Agencies<br />
The Economic and Social Council occupies a unique position within the <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong>’ history.<br />
While questions of security were of primary concern at the time when the <strong>UN</strong> Charter was drafted,<br />
the final version set out a critical role <strong>for</strong> ECOSOC. World leaders in 1945, it seems, understood<br />
that global peace absolutely requires social stability and economic growth in order to truly last. This<br />
daunting mission carries on into the present day <strong>for</strong> the Economic and Social Council. At HM<strong>UN</strong>,<br />
our organ also incorporates a collection of Regional Bodies that bring more localized debates to the<br />
<strong>for</strong>efront. These committees are entrusted with the critical task of exploring regional dialogues on a<br />
wide array of issues <strong>for</strong> which larger and more generalized <strong>UN</strong> bodies simply cannot do justice to.<br />
Our organ <strong>for</strong> HM<strong>UN</strong> 2012 is ambitious in its scope: our committees will jump from the League<br />
of <strong>Nations</strong> in pre-World War II Europe to the dawn of the year 2100 and the complex problems it<br />
will bring. Our organ is diverse not only in time, but also in topics, with modern day discussions<br />
on human rights, development, and many pressing regional issues. This session, we will even set out<br />
to incorporate the unique contributions of Non-Governmental Organizations into the Economic<br />
and Social Council & Regional Bodies organ, with the hope that they bring a fresh perspective to<br />
our substantive discussions.<br />
I could not be more excited to invite you to join us in January <strong>for</strong> what will most certainly be an<br />
amazing experience. The members of staff <strong>for</strong> our organ this year are some of the most intelligent<br />
and dedicated individuals I have ever met. They have been working tirelessly <strong>for</strong> months and will<br />
continue to make preparations as we quickly approach January 26th, 2012. I am confident you will<br />
come to appreciate them greatly, just as I have learned to in my time with them thus far. I know<br />
the Assistant Directors, Moderators, and committee Directors cannot wait to meet each and every<br />
one of you!<br />
At <strong>Harvard</strong> <strong>Model</strong> <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong>, we set out to tackle meaningful issues that world leaders have<br />
struggled mightily to resolve. Our challenge is considerable. And yet, HM<strong>UN</strong> 2012 will be one<br />
of the fondest memories we will come to share. Meeting friends—old and new—hailing from<br />
different cities, states, and continents is a profound experience. I wish you the best of luck in your<br />
preparations <strong>for</strong> HM<strong>UN</strong>, and please do not hesitate to contact me with any questions or concerns<br />
you may have along the way. Opening Ceremonies will be here be<strong>for</strong>e you know it. Get ready.<br />
Sincerely,<br />
59 Shepard Street, Box 205<br />
Cambridge, MA 02138<br />
Voice: (617)-398-0772<br />
Fax: (617) 588-0285<br />
Email: info@harvardmun.org<br />
www.harvardmun.org<br />
Ethan Lyle<br />
Under-Secretary-General<br />
Economic and Social Council & Regional Bodies<br />
ecosoc@harvardmun.org<br />
Economic and Social Council & Regional Bodies<br />
3
<strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
<strong>Harvard</strong> <strong>Model</strong> <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> 2012<br />
Dear Delegates,<br />
Hunter M. Richard<br />
Secretary-General<br />
Stephanie N. Oviedo<br />
Director-General<br />
Ana Choi<br />
Under-Secretary-General<br />
Administration<br />
Ainsley Faux<br />
Under-Secretary-General<br />
Business<br />
Alexandra M. Harsacky<br />
Comptroller<br />
Sofia Hou<br />
Under-Secretary-General<br />
Innovation and Technology<br />
Juliana Cherston<br />
Under-Secretary-General<br />
General Assembly<br />
Ethan Lyle<br />
Under-Secretary-General<br />
Economic and Social Council<br />
Charlene S. Wong<br />
Under-Secretary-General<br />
Specialized Agencies<br />
It is my great pleasure to welcome you all to the Office of the <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> <strong>High</strong><br />
<strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong> (<strong>UN</strong>HCR), also known as the <strong>UN</strong> Refugee Agency. Together,<br />
our committee will confront head-on humanitarian, economic, and political issues that<br />
have a direct impact on the fate of people, movements and conflicts in the world today.<br />
My name is Akua Abu and I am a <strong>Harvard</strong> sophomore and prospective Applied Mathematics<br />
concentrator. I have spent most of my life between homelands in West Palm Beach, FL and<br />
Accra, Ghana. Since finding my <strong>Harvard</strong> home, I’ve spent hours of free time traversing<br />
Cambridge, eating in Chinatown, and taking photographs of <strong>Harvard</strong> Yard (when it’s not<br />
freezing). Among my great interests are matters of philosophy, economics, engineering, and<br />
international relations. In addition to HM<strong>UN</strong>, I am also happily involved with the <strong>Harvard</strong><br />
Parliamentary Debate Association, <strong>Harvard</strong> Undergraduate Women in Business, and the<br />
<strong>Harvard</strong> Crimson.<br />
Our committee will coordinate action to resolve refugee situations in the Middle East and<br />
West Africa, regions which have sharply commanded the attention of the international<br />
community <strong>for</strong> decades. Recently, we have witnessed the tension, and escalating violence in<br />
countries such as Libya, Tunisia, Syria, and Iraq. The causes of conflict are myriad and vary<br />
from region to region, but similar effects are mirrored in the faces of millions of displaced<br />
asylum-seekers scattered throughout the world. I hope to achieve constructive debate to<br />
secure the rights of refugees in our two proposed topic areas. The first is on the situation of<br />
Middle Eastern refugees, hailing from countries in the midst of dramatic political crisis and<br />
change in Northern Africa and West Asia. The second is on the plight of refugees from Côte<br />
d’Ivoire and surrounding regions in West Africa.<br />
This year, I invite you to committee sessions filled with careful reflection and engaging<br />
discussion regarding development, national sovereignty, and regional obligation. I call on<br />
your creativity and motivation to devise methods to safeguard the rights and well-beings<br />
of refugees. Above all, I urge you keep close in mind the people and groups who are most<br />
affected by related issues every day.<br />
It is a great honor to serve as your committee director <strong>for</strong> HM<strong>UN</strong> 2012. Do not hesitate to<br />
contact me with any questions or concerns. I wish you the best of luck in all your preparations<br />
and look <strong>for</strong>ward to meeting you all <strong>for</strong> an exhilarating four days in February!<br />
Sincerely,<br />
Akua Abu<br />
59 Shepard Street, Box 205<br />
Cambridge, MA 02138<br />
Voice: (617)-398-0772<br />
Fax: (617) 588-0285<br />
Email: info@harvardmun.org<br />
www.harvardmun.org<br />
Akua Abu<br />
Director, <strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
unhcr@harvardmun.org<br />
44 Economic and Social Council Specialized & Regional Agencies Bodies
INTRODUCTION<br />
In the past year, thousands have risen in violent<br />
protest in countries of the Middle East and Northern<br />
Africa. Egypt and Tunisia have been gripped by bloody<br />
revolutions. Libya has been immersed in a contentious<br />
civil war. The political landscapes of Syria and Côte<br />
d’Ivoire have been marked by crisis and abuse. Though<br />
such recent events have piqued international attention,<br />
intense antagonism between and within countries is<br />
nothing new to this region. The Arab- Israeli conflict<br />
and the question of an independent Palestinian state<br />
have remained largely unresolved <strong>for</strong> more than 60<br />
years. International involvement in Iraq, especially<br />
by the <strong>United</strong> States, has spanned over a decade. The<br />
unpopularity of several regional governments and<br />
the growing involvement of international <strong>for</strong>ces have<br />
contributed to the perpetuation of extreme violence in<br />
the region and the escalation of tensions <strong>for</strong> decades.<br />
The growing intensity of these conflicts has closed<br />
schools and businesses, <strong>for</strong>ced millions of civilians from<br />
their homes, and resulted in thousands of deaths. The<br />
<strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> has confirmed widespread human rights<br />
abuses and atrocities, and the resulting displacement of<br />
millions. The rising numbers of refugees has put a strain on<br />
the policies and resources of the international community,<br />
most notably those of the nations neighboring the<br />
countries in conflict. The Office of the <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong><br />
<strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong> is chiefly responsible<br />
<strong>for</strong> the well-being and protection of the now millions<br />
of refugees and asylum-seekers throughout the Middle<br />
East and Northern Africa. The committee must grapple<br />
with issues such as the ability of neighboring countries<br />
to shelter these refugees in a harsh, economic landscape;<br />
the responsibility of countries farther removed from<br />
the regions <strong>for</strong> the care of the refugees; the status of the<br />
refugees in host nations and possible solutions to the<br />
conflicts plaguing the Middle East and Northern Africa.<br />
In Topic Area A: <strong>Refugees</strong> of the Arab Spring, delegates<br />
will explore and justify the suitability of multiple<br />
proposed solutions to resolve the Middle Eastern refugee<br />
situation. Delegates will also attempt to bring a sense of<br />
greater calm and safety to those affected by the Ivorian<br />
crisis in Topic Area B: The Ivorian Refugee Crisis.<br />
<strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
HISTORY OF THE COMMITTEE<br />
In the aftermath of World War II, the international<br />
community became acutely aware of the need <strong>for</strong><br />
organized assistance to address the plight of the millions<br />
of mainly-European refugees displaced by years of<br />
war. The <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> Relief and Rehabilitation<br />
Administration (<strong>UN</strong>RRA) and International Refugee<br />
Organization (IRO) emerged out of those needs in the<br />
1940s and respectively were responsible <strong>for</strong> the specific<br />
wellbeing of refugees.<br />
The <strong>UN</strong>RRA was largely replaced by the U.S.<br />
Marshall Plan and the IRO fell from popular appeal soon<br />
after its establishment, with many <strong>UN</strong> member nations<br />
dissatisfied with the permanence of the body. The stillpressing<br />
need <strong>for</strong> a body dedicated to the support of<br />
refugees was answered on December 14, 1950 with the<br />
foundation of the Office of the <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> <strong>High</strong><br />
<strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong> (<strong>UN</strong>HCR) as a General<br />
Assembly subsidiary organ by <strong>UN</strong> General Assembly<br />
Resolution 319 1 .<br />
The original intention of the commission was to use<br />
the <strong>UN</strong>HCR to address the European refugee situation<br />
and disband the body after three years to allay criticisms<br />
about the “implications of a permanent body. 2 ” The<br />
mandate of the <strong>UN</strong>HCR was later expanded by multiple<br />
General Assembly and Economic and Social Council<br />
(ECOSOC) resolutions. The <strong>UN</strong>HCR’s mandate, is<br />
to “provide, on a non-political and humanitarian<br />
basis, international protection to refugees and to seek<br />
permanent solutions <strong>for</strong> them. 3 ”<br />
The 1951 Geneva (Refugee) Convention serves as<br />
the primary authoritative instrument relating to refugee<br />
law. It defines the individuals who may fall under the<br />
classification of “refugee,” details the legal protections<br />
af<strong>for</strong>ded them, and explains the obligations of refugees<br />
to their host countries. Though originally constrained<br />
to the protection of European refugees after WWII, the<br />
scope of the 1951 Refugee Convention was expanded<br />
in the 1950s upon acknowledgment of the widespread<br />
nature of the refugee situation worldwide. The <strong>UN</strong>HCR<br />
played a role in coordinating responses to the refugee<br />
situations following such global events as the 1956<br />
Hungarian uprisings and the 1957 Algerian war <strong>for</strong><br />
independence. The 1967 Protocol further widened the<br />
international scope of the <strong>UN</strong>HCR. The mandate was<br />
expanded beyond refugees to individuals “of concern”<br />
including those internally displaced within a country<br />
(IDPs). 4<br />
Economic and Social Council & Regional Bodies<br />
5
<strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
The <strong>UN</strong>HCR’s primary focus on Europe was inverted<br />
in the 1960s with widespread refugee movements in<br />
Africa in light of decolonization. A defining aspect of<br />
these movements was the lack of true durable solutions<br />
to the refugee crises- refugees tended to flee from one<br />
instable country to another, thus perpetuating a cycle of<br />
refugee displacement. Events such as the Vietnam War,<br />
the Cold War, and the Rwandan Genocide exacerbated<br />
the refugee situation with practices such as the targeting<br />
of civilians growing in frequency. In response, <strong>UN</strong><br />
member nations became more and more unwilling to<br />
resettle the increasing number of refugees and many<br />
enacted restrictive asylum policies. The <strong>UN</strong>HCR turned<br />
to the <strong>for</strong>mation of refugee camps, often within tense<br />
regions, to respond to the growing need <strong>for</strong> assistance.<br />
Headquartered in Geneva, Switzerland, the <strong>UN</strong>HCR<br />
is currently a member of the <strong>UN</strong> Development Group<br />
with a purpose to coordinate action to protect and support<br />
refugees when called to act by an individual government<br />
or the <strong>UN</strong> body. Today the <strong>UN</strong>HCR oversees the<br />
protection, shelter, medical care, food, and water needs<br />
of more than 36 million refugees and asylum-seekers in<br />
more than 117 countries worldwide. Amongst its roles,<br />
the agency determines whether a return by refugees<br />
to their original country is feasible and either plays<br />
a role in the integration of refugees into a nearby host<br />
country or their resettlement into another country 5 . The<br />
<strong>UN</strong>HCR still faces challenges today regarding the role<br />
of <strong>UN</strong> member nations in the assistance and support of<br />
refugees and the need to find lasting solutions <strong>for</strong> groups<br />
of refugees currently shuffling from one hostile climate<br />
to another.<br />
TOPIC A:<br />
REFUGEES OF THE ARAB SPRING<br />
STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM<br />
For years, countries of the Middle East have been<br />
marked by intense “political stagnation. 6 ” Remarkable<br />
gains in the literacy rates and living standards in many<br />
of these countries have not been translated into a greater<br />
political representation or control. Beginning in December<br />
2010 with the self-immolation of Mohammed Bouazizi<br />
in protest in Tunisia, a sense of pride in national identity<br />
and strong demand <strong>for</strong> rights assumed universal in many<br />
modern states fueled a wave of protests, demonstrations,<br />
and strikes across the Middle East in a movement known<br />
as the Arab Spring. General international support <strong>for</strong><br />
the Arab revolutions has been garnered worldwide with<br />
demonstrations by Arab populations and independence<br />
groups spreading awareness of the individual causes of<br />
the Arab protestors in the <strong>United</strong> States as well as many<br />
European countries.<br />
The Arab Spring revolutions are ongoing in<br />
countries all over the Middle East, a region which<br />
<strong>for</strong>mally encompasses the <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> sub-regions<br />
of Western Asia and North Africa. The Middle East<br />
has historically been recognized by international bodies<br />
as a strategic location in terms of its wealth of natural<br />
resources, including its large quantities of crude oil, and<br />
a religiously sensitive one <strong>for</strong> its role in the origins of<br />
Judaism, Christianity, and Islam among other religions.<br />
For the purposes of this committee, the Middle Eastern<br />
countries in focus will include those linked to the surge<br />
in revolutionary movements that began in December<br />
2010 and continues today. Specifically, the countries<br />
of Tunisia, Yemen, Syria, Libya, and Egypt will be of<br />
primary focus to this committee due to the scope of their<br />
conflicts. Conflicts in countries such as Bahrain, Algeria<br />
and Iraq and others of the Middle East and neighboring<br />
regions are of particular concern and should be addressed,<br />
though not necessarily as directly.<br />
The specific reasons <strong>for</strong> protest differ from country<br />
to country but the revolutions tend to share a goal of<br />
extensive political re<strong>for</strong>m: individuals are demanding a<br />
greater degree of political control and freedom in their<br />
own countries. Common issues in the Arab uprisings<br />
include government corruption, unconstitutional<br />
dictatorships, poverty, and extensive unemployment.<br />
66 Economic and Social Council Specialized & Regional Agencies Bodies
In general, the methods and techniques used from<br />
country to country share a basis in modern tactics of<br />
civil resistance. These are largely youth-fueled uprisings<br />
with many protestors below the age of 30 taking to the<br />
streets and Internet lines. Indeed, online sites, social<br />
media, and organizations have played an important role<br />
in both organizing events within the affected countries<br />
themselves and broadcasting the message of protestors<br />
internationally. For instance, WikiLeaks made publically<br />
available documents and in<strong>for</strong>mation previously censored<br />
by government <strong>for</strong>ces.<br />
Actions of civil resistance have met violent responses<br />
from government bodies and groups loyal to the<br />
authorities. Still today, <strong>for</strong> example, there are unresolved<br />
revolutions underway in Tunisia and Egypt, a Libyan<br />
civil war and major uprisings in Syria. The revolutions,<br />
however, have led to modest gains in the direction of<br />
greater political stability. The Arab Spring revolutions have<br />
led to the removal of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali<br />
from Tunisia in January and the resignation of President<br />
Hosni Mubarak in Egypt in February. Many more leaders<br />
such as Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al- Maliki have<br />
committed to stepping down following the end of their<br />
current terms 7 . The removal of the reigning executives in<br />
countries may have marked a start <strong>for</strong> political revolution<br />
but in no way have resolved the political tensions and<br />
crises in the individual countries. This is not to say that<br />
the countries do not possess the building blocks <strong>for</strong><br />
political trans<strong>for</strong>mation; in fact, many of them have long<br />
established working economies, organized labor, and a<br />
generally educated populace. However, a daunting battle<br />
lies ahead in restoring the faith of the citizenry in public<br />
institutions and government organizations within their<br />
countries.<br />
The widespread violence within the Middle East<br />
has affected both the inhabitants of the region and<br />
individuals living internationally. The <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong><br />
has reported numerous cases of human rights abuse across<br />
the region. With citizens losing faith in the legitimacy of<br />
their governments and governments themselves waging<br />
war against their people, the number of refugees has<br />
grown dramatically in the recent months. The <strong>United</strong><br />
<strong>Nations</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong> in particular<br />
is responsible <strong>for</strong> the safety of most of the refugees found<br />
in this area of the world. The continued violence in the<br />
unstable region has impeded the development of concrete<br />
conclusions with regards to the general treatment of<br />
Middle Eastern refugees and their hopes of reclaiming<br />
their homes.<br />
Economic and Social Council & Regional Bodies<br />
<strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
Specifically, refugees within the Middle East have<br />
faced problems regarding the identification of safe<br />
countries and zones in which to seek shelter. The<br />
widespread nature of the Arab Spring has created<br />
conflicts in many closely connected regions. As a result,<br />
many refugees have departed one unstable country only<br />
to meet major violence in another neighboring nation.<br />
In the camps in which refugees do find shelter, problems<br />
of overcrowding and instability due to the limited<br />
nature of needed resources and the harsh economic<br />
environment only perpetuate the unrest and uncertainty<br />
experienced by these individuals. It is clear that a simple<br />
end to many of the conflicts plaguing the regions will<br />
not come quickly, putting pressure on the international<br />
community as a whole to find solutions to support the<br />
ever increasing numbers of displaced peoples from these<br />
countries.<br />
The ideal solution to ensuring the protection and<br />
security of these civilians in this region is to bring about<br />
a peaceful end to the conflicts plaguing many of the<br />
Middle Eastern countries. The deeply rooted tensions<br />
between the public and their governments will not be<br />
easily overcome, but possible developments to at least<br />
guarantee open dialogue between the citizenry and<br />
public officials may aid in ef<strong>for</strong>ts to stabilize the region.<br />
It is the role of this committee to settle matters dealing<br />
with the treatment of the millions immersed in a world<br />
of violence and uncertainty due to the intense conflicts<br />
in their countries. Failure to arrive at a workable solution<br />
may only prolong the hardships of those both fighting in<br />
and trying to flee the turmoil of revolution.<br />
HISTORY OF THE PROBLEM<br />
FO<strong>UN</strong>DATIONS OF CONFLICT IN THE MIDDLE<br />
EAST<br />
Following the decline of the Ottoman Empire at the<br />
end of World War I, major world powers –most notably<br />
Great Britain, France, the <strong>United</strong> States, and Russiabecame<br />
heavily invested in the Middle Eastern landscape.<br />
The region’s location - providing a secure path to Asia and<br />
a neighboring region to Russia during the Cold War- was<br />
seen as strategically ideal. World international powers<br />
oversaw developments in the Middle Eastern countries<br />
through the mandate system, imposed in the Treaty of<br />
Versailles at the end of World War I.<br />
The mid- 20th century saw the independence of<br />
many Middle Eastern states from the British, French,<br />
and the Soviets. Many Middle Eastern states were<br />
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granted independence in the 1940s-60s, including Syria<br />
in 1944 and Egypt in 1947. Despite independence, the<br />
region still had to face questions that had plagued it <strong>for</strong><br />
decades, most notably the struggle between the Arabs<br />
and Jews in Palestine. This struggle erupted in the Arab-<br />
Israeli war of 1948 in which Israel defeated the armies of<br />
Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Jordan and Saudi Arabia and <strong>for</strong>ced<br />
800,000 Palestinian refugees into neighboring countries,<br />
instigating the Palestinian refugee situation 8 .<br />
Hundreds of thousands of Palestinian refugees fled or<br />
were expelled from their homes as a result of the Palestine<br />
War. The <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> Relief and Works Agency was<br />
created to aid those displaced by the Arab-Israeli wars. It<br />
defined “Palestinian refugee” and granted refugee status<br />
to both those immediately displaced from their homes in<br />
Palestine and their descendants 9 . Large percentages of the<br />
displaced maintained their refugee status and continue<br />
to live in refugee camps today near Palestinian territories.<br />
Others moved and resettled in neighboring countries,<br />
sparking conflicts with native groups and inviting issues<br />
relating to their incorporation. Based on the definition<br />
set by <strong>UN</strong>RWA, there were still 4.7 million refugees<br />
registered with the <strong>UN</strong> as of 2010.<br />
Over the next half century, the <strong>United</strong> States would<br />
take the place of the European powers in watching over<br />
developments in the Middle East. The American stake in<br />
the oil industry maintained a high American presence in<br />
the region. The Soviet Union, disturbed by the increasing<br />
American presence near its borders, allied itself with<br />
radical anti-Western regimes in countries such as Egypt<br />
and Iraq which desired to destroy the state of Israel. The<br />
U.S., in turn, allied itself with conservative monarchies<br />
in Iran, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia, many of which were<br />
terminated due to discontentment on both sides. The<br />
Middle East, with the Cold War powers, endured several<br />
major regional wars and extended conflicts including<br />
the Arab-Israeli War (1948), Suez War (1956), War of<br />
Attrition (1970), and Yom Kippur War (1973) 10 .<br />
With the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991<br />
came a halt in the funding <strong>for</strong> many anti-Western Arab<br />
regimes and brought Russian oil to the West. Bereft of<br />
Soviet aid, rulers such as Saddam Hussein turned to the<br />
cause of nationalism to replace socialism as a dominant<br />
ruling ideology. Iraq was launched into continued<br />
conflict with Iran and the invasion of Kuwait in 1990.<br />
In the Persian Gulf War, the <strong>United</strong> States, with the<br />
approval of the <strong>UN</strong>, drove Iraq from Kuwait by <strong>for</strong>ce,<br />
leaving a permanent U.S. military presence in the Gulf.<br />
The tensions continued with conflicts between Israel<br />
and Hezbollah erupting in the mid- 2000s as well as the<br />
American campaigns in Iraq and Afghanistan following<br />
the September 11 th attacks 11 . The extended conflicts<br />
in the region had left many Middle Eastern countries<br />
technologically, economically, and socially behind the<br />
modern world. Strong authoritarian despotic rulers were<br />
left in positions of power in many Arab states under the<br />
directive of guarding against the many threats to the<br />
stability and prosperity of their respective countries.<br />
Many Middle Eastern countries continue to face crises<br />
relating to large-scale displacement. The humanitarian<br />
needs in Iraq, <strong>for</strong> instance, remain high. Millions of Iraqis<br />
fled their homes during or immediately following the<br />
U.S. occupation to other countries within the region or<br />
other areas within the country. As <strong>Refugees</strong> International<br />
reports, there still remain “extreme vulnerabilities among<br />
the hundreds of thousands of Iraqi refugees living in<br />
Syria, Jordan, and other parts of the region, as well as the<br />
millions of internally displaced persons (IDPs) within<br />
Iraq, over 500,000 of whom live as squatters in slum<br />
areas with no assistance or legal right to the properties<br />
they occupy. 12 ” These refugees have found it difficult to<br />
incorporate themselves into their host countries with<br />
most refugees lacking the documentation necessary to<br />
work legally. For these reasons, some have returned to<br />
insecure regions within Iraq facing ongoing violence and<br />
a general lack of social, educational, and professional<br />
services. The lack of security within certain regions of<br />
Iraq has impeded <strong>UN</strong> ef<strong>for</strong>ts to provide assistance to<br />
these populations; local nongovernmental organizations<br />
have often been the most successful at reaching target<br />
populations but, in many cases, significantly lack funding.<br />
The <strong>UN</strong>HCR and other refugee assistance programs<br />
88 Economic and Social Council Specialized & Regional Agencies Bodies
have been working to provide documentation <strong>for</strong> many<br />
of these displaced people. Many other international<br />
groups have additionally called <strong>for</strong> greater protection<br />
and services <strong>for</strong> the displaced Middle Eastern refugees.<br />
OUTBREAK OF REVOLUTION IN T<strong>UN</strong>ISIA<br />
(JASMINE REVOLUTION)<br />
On December 17, 2010, 26-year-old Mohammed<br />
Bouazizi set himself on fire in front of a local municipal<br />
office in Tunisia. The only income earner in his eightmember<br />
extended family, Bouazizi had been angered<br />
after Tunisian police had seized the unlicensed vegetable<br />
cart with which he had been supporting his family <strong>for</strong><br />
seven years and struck him after he tried to pay the 10<br />
dinar fine. He went to file a complaint at the municipal<br />
office afterwards but was paid no attention during his<br />
visit. Soon afterwards, he committed his act of selfimmolation—the<br />
act of setting oneself on fire—in<br />
protest of his treatment and died in a hospital a few days<br />
afterward 13 .<br />
The next day, demonstrations began in Bouazizi’s<br />
hometown of Sidi Bouzid and spread rapidly across<br />
Tunisia. Bouazizi’s treatment by the local municipal office<br />
appeared indicative of the more deeply rooted tensions<br />
between the public and the Tunisian government over<br />
widespread police brutality, unemployment, and a lack<br />
of political rights and representation. President Zine El<br />
Abidine Ben Ali’s rule as president had been marked by<br />
extreme violence and public discontentment and had been<br />
criticized internationally by various nongovernmental<br />
organizations. When Zine el-Abidine had come to office<br />
as president of Tunisia in 1987, he had promised political<br />
freedoms including a right to demonstration and more<br />
recently promised that he would not run <strong>for</strong> reelection<br />
at the end of his term in 2014. However, in reality, the<br />
<strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
el-Abidine regime had deterred protestors with threats<br />
of jail time and, in many alleged cases, violence. Though<br />
generally considered economically sound, the country’s<br />
economic situation soon entered the debate with many<br />
protesting against the government’s reduction in the<br />
number of subsidized goods in the country 14 .<br />
The majority of early protests mirrored Bouazizi’s selfimmolation<br />
and led to the departure of Ben Ali. However,<br />
protests still continued with the public demanding the<br />
removal of Ben Ali’s party.<br />
OUTBREAK OF EGYPTIAN REVOLUTION<br />
Following the example of protestors in Tunisia,<br />
activists in Egypt organized a public demonstration<br />
on Egypt’s Police Day, the honorary anniversary of the<br />
killings of 50 Egyptian officers by the British on January<br />
25, 1952 15 . The event in 1952 played an important role<br />
in the fight <strong>for</strong> Egyptian independence and, as such, was<br />
deemed symbolically fitting <strong>for</strong> the public demonstrations<br />
against widespread poverty and unemployment in Egypt<br />
as well as the government of President Hosni Mubarak.<br />
Beginning in Cairo, protests, demonstrations, and<br />
strikes spread rapidly throughout the country. The<br />
message of the protestors addressing widespread police<br />
brutality, lack of free elections, high unemployment,<br />
and general government corruption. The tactics used<br />
by protestors were generally <strong>for</strong>ms of non-violent civil<br />
resistance, all demanding the ousting of President Hosni<br />
Mubarak from power and the establishment of greater<br />
freedoms in the Egyptian political system. With the<br />
increasing number of demonstrators came a public and<br />
violent response from pro-Mubarak supporters, who<br />
rode into Tahrir Square. The Mubarak government<br />
publically targeted civilians, making use of disguised<br />
soldiers, ruthless police action and other acts of violence<br />
to deter the protestors. There were frequent clashes<br />
between authorities and protesters in cities such as Cairo<br />
and Suez. Egypt’s Central Security Forces police, which<br />
had been originally been constraining the protestors, was<br />
replaced by military troops. Cairo became a “war zone”<br />
with much looting and gangs. The protestors ended up<br />
maintaining their unity throughout the conflict and set<br />
up watch groups to protect the populace.<br />
On February 11, 2011, Hosni Mubarak ended his<br />
30 year-reign in office by resigning and transferring<br />
power to the army. Effective head of State Mohammed<br />
Hussein Tanawi announced a suspension to the Egyptian<br />
constitution on February 13, the dissolution of both<br />
houses of Parliament, and that the military would rule<br />
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until elections could be held in six month. The <strong>for</strong>mer<br />
cabinet would serve in the interim. Prime Minister<br />
Ahmed Shafik was also <strong>for</strong>ced to resign on March 3<br />
and was replaced by <strong>for</strong>mer transport minister. On<br />
May 24, Mubarak was ordered to face premeditated<br />
murder charges on trial <strong>for</strong> his actions against protestors.<br />
According to Human Right Watch, the conflict had<br />
taken the lives of approximately 846 people and left<br />
6000 injured in Egypt 16 .<br />
OUTBREAK OF LIBYAN CIVIL WAR<br />
Fueled by the successes of the Tunisian revolution,<br />
demonstrators protested the living standards in Al<br />
Bayda, Libya on January 14, 2011. They soon clashed<br />
with police and began to attack government buildings<br />
and offices. From this spread a wave of anti-government<br />
protests and a veritable divide in Libya between those<br />
loyal to and against the government.<br />
Protestors had controlled the city of Benghazi and<br />
the capital city of Tripoli by mid- February despite<br />
the attempts of government <strong>for</strong>ces to recapture them.<br />
International criticism and the rising number of casualties<br />
caused the resignation of many Libyan diplomats.<br />
Opposition <strong>for</strong>ces established an interim government<br />
in Benghazi, calling <strong>for</strong> an end to the rule of Colonel<br />
Muammar al- Gaddafi. Gaddafi responded with massive<br />
campaigns of violence against civilians, targeting not<br />
only the opposition <strong>for</strong>ces but writers, paramedics, and<br />
other noncombatants within Libya.<br />
On March 17, 2011 <strong>UN</strong> Security Council<br />
Resolution 1973 established a no-fly zone over Libya<br />
and guaranteeing support to safeguard the lives of the<br />
civilians. On March 19 th , France, Great Britain and the<br />
<strong>United</strong> States launched a bombing campaign against pro-<br />
Gaddafi <strong>for</strong>ces, aided by a coalition of 27 other European<br />
and Middle Eastern states 17 . The <strong>for</strong>eign intervention<br />
drove back pro- Gaddafi <strong>for</strong>ces from Benghazi, allowing<br />
an opposition offensive throughout Libya. A stalemate<br />
soon ensued between government-controlled Brega and<br />
opposition- controlled Ajdabiya. Fighting continued,<br />
however, on different fronts throughout the country:<br />
the Nafusa Mountains, the Misrata District, the Gulf of<br />
Sidra, and the Libyan Desert.<br />
OUTBREAK OF SYRIAN UPRISINGS<br />
On January 26, 2011, one reported case of selfimmolation<br />
launched Syria into the Arab Spring<br />
revolutions. Protestors rallied around the cause of<br />
extensive political re<strong>for</strong>ms including the granting of civil<br />
rights, and an end to the state of emergency in Syria<br />
which has suspended constitutional rights since 1963.<br />
The arrest and torture of children on March 8 in the<br />
city of Daraa initiated protests calling <strong>for</strong> the explicit<br />
removal of the Paathy regime, which had been ruling<br />
Syria since 1963, from power. In towns and cities all<br />
over Syria, thousands of protestors organized in protest<br />
of the regime, followed soon after by a massive wave of<br />
arrests and clashes with the police throughout Syria. July<br />
31 st marked the bloodiest day of the uprising as army<br />
tanks stormed several Syrian cities, killing at least 136<br />
people in a single day 18 . The government also proceeded<br />
to shut off public water and electricity and began seizing<br />
food supplies. The violence has escalated from month to<br />
month with reports from defecting soldiers that soldiers<br />
who refuse to fire on civilians are executed by the Syrian<br />
army.<br />
To date, more than 3,000 protestors have been killed<br />
in the conflicts and many more injured and tortured. On<br />
April 21, the emergency law was repealed, though it had<br />
little effect on the abuses perpetuated toward civilians.<br />
OUTBREAK OF YEMENI REBELLION<br />
In mid-January, a series of protest along the northern<br />
and southern regions of Yemen were organized to protest<br />
against the government plans to modify the Yemeni<br />
constitution despite popular disapproval, corruption,<br />
unemployment, and the resignation of President Ali<br />
Abdullah Saleh. On January 27 th , over 16,000 protestors<br />
came together in a demonstration against the government<br />
in Sana’a and thousands of protestors came together in a<br />
“Day of Rage” on February 3, 2011. In response, soldiers<br />
and members of the General People’s Congress held a<br />
pro-government rally in Sana’a on the same day. President<br />
10 10 Economic and Social Council Specialized & Regional Agencies Bodies
Saleh announced that he would not hold another term<br />
after the end of his term in 2013 19 .<br />
In February, multiple “days of rage” were carried out<br />
in Yemen’s major cities 8 . Crowds marched towards the<br />
Presidential Palace in protest, leading to the use of police<br />
<strong>for</strong>ce to quell the rally. Saleh agreed to mediation by the<br />
Gulf Cooperation Council which would allow him to<br />
relinquish power in exchange <strong>for</strong> immunity but did not<br />
commit to the agreement in signing. An assassination<br />
attempt on June 3 left him and many officials in the<br />
capital city injured. Saleh evacuated to Saudi Arabia <strong>for</strong><br />
treatment after handing power to Vice President Abd<br />
al-Rab Mansur al-Hadi. Protests are continuing in his<br />
absence.<br />
CURRENT SITUATION<br />
OVERVIEW<br />
Currently, none of the Arab Spring movements has<br />
peacefully come to a culmination regarding all political<br />
and economic demands made by protestors, though<br />
concessions have been made in that direction. There is<br />
still widespread violence in countries such as Syria and<br />
Libya with the numbers of injured and dead civilians<br />
increasing in their scope. Economically, there have<br />
been significant fluctuations in oil prices, following the<br />
development of certain events in the Arab world.<br />
Considering the ongoing and widespread violence,<br />
the situation <strong>for</strong> refugees remains all the more dire. The<br />
numbers of displaced persons from the multiple conflicts<br />
within the Middle East is continuously growing. Often<br />
surrounded by violence on all sides, refugees from these<br />
conflicts have been left to either flee to neighboring<br />
countries facing extreme violence themselves, safe havens<br />
within their countries, or shelters internationally. The<br />
refugees of the Arab Spring only join the millions of<br />
refugees already seeking shelter within the Middle East<br />
from regional conflicts in such countries as Iraq and<br />
Afghanistan.<br />
T<strong>UN</strong>ISIA<br />
On January 17 th , a new cabinet was announced within<br />
Tunisia. Widespread protests continued within Tunisia<br />
against the presence of members of the old reigning party,<br />
the Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD) Party, in<br />
the new government. Several Tunisian Labor Ministers<br />
also resigned in protest. Pro- Ben Ali supporters held<br />
competing rallies on the same day in their own protest.<br />
The interim president and prime minister ended up<br />
<strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
leaving the RCD to appease protestors. Protests, however,<br />
continued, calling <strong>for</strong> the disbanding of the RCD. The<br />
central committee of the RCD disbanded on January<br />
20 th and all RCD ministers resigned from the party.<br />
By January 27 th , Prime Minister Mohammed<br />
Ghannouchi announced that the new government only<br />
included 2 ministers from the old Ben Ali government<br />
apart from the prime minister, neither of which had<br />
been part of the RCD party. This was seen as a success<br />
<strong>for</strong> protestors. The next day, protests emerged outside<br />
Ghannouchi’s office, demanding his resignation from the<br />
interim government. Ghannouchi had <strong>for</strong>merly declared<br />
that he would leave the government after elections in six<br />
months, but protestors saw his resignation as necessary<br />
<strong>for</strong> the success of the new government. He ended up<br />
resigning on February 27 th . All of the regional governors<br />
and the interior minister were replaced in early February 20 .<br />
In Sidi Bouzid, protests emerged again after reports<br />
of the burning of civilians by police authorities. Protests<br />
called <strong>for</strong> the removal of Police Chief Khaled Ghazouani<br />
from his position. The situation escalated when protestors<br />
threw sticks at police and the police responded with tear<br />
gas. The police chief was arrested. Protests also escalated in<br />
late February with demonstrators calling <strong>for</strong> the removal<br />
of any officials associated with the Ben Ali regime and the<br />
establishment of a parliamentary government to replace<br />
the presidential system. Ministers continued to resign as<br />
protests grew in frequency and intensity.<br />
In early March, it was announced that there would<br />
be elections to a Constituent Assembly held on July 24 th<br />
with general elections to follow afterward. It was also<br />
announced that the secret police would be dissolved and<br />
the RCD was dissolved by court order.<br />
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EGYPT<br />
Protests continue in Egypt with most of the public<br />
wary of the control of the current military junta.<br />
Following the resignation of President Hosni Mubarak<br />
on February 11, 2011, elections were held on March 20 th<br />
to identify the preferences of Egyptian citizens regarding<br />
presidential elections. Voters were to accept or reject<br />
eight constitutional amendments which would directly<br />
affect the election of a new leader 21 . Those amendments<br />
addressed many of the issues of protestors concerning the<br />
Mubarak regime including the enactment of term limits.<br />
It is still uncertain as to when specific elections will be<br />
enacted and whether a new constitution will be written<br />
in Egypt. So far, there has been little dialogue between<br />
the public and the interim government concerning these<br />
decisions, leaving many protestors doubting whether or<br />
not a better situation has been reached in the region.<br />
Most Western states have expressed their support<br />
<strong>for</strong> the peaceful protests but with great concern <strong>for</strong> the<br />
region’s stability. The EU Foreign Affairs Chief called<br />
<strong>for</strong> Egyptian authorities to “establish a constructive and<br />
peaceful way to respond to the legitimate aspirations<br />
of Egyptian citizens <strong>for</strong> democratic and socioeconomic<br />
re<strong>for</strong>ms.” Countries near the region, including Saudi<br />
Arabia, however expressed condemnation <strong>for</strong> the protests<br />
while others such as Tunisia and Iran announced their<br />
support <strong>for</strong> protestors. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin<br />
Netanyahu recommended a policy of silence with respect<br />
to the protests and urged the U.S. and European allies to<br />
do the same as Mubarak had been an important supporter<br />
in the Israeli- Palestinian peace negotiations. Following<br />
the Camp David Accords which ended the multiple<br />
wars between Egypt and Israel in the second half of the<br />
twentieth century, both Egypt and Israel receive billions<br />
of dollars in aid annually from the <strong>United</strong> States. Many<br />
countries including US, Great Britain, and Japan began<br />
evacuating citizens from the region.<br />
LIBYA<br />
There has not been significant change in the Libyan<br />
civil war with constant clashes between pro-Gaddafi and<br />
opposition <strong>for</strong>ces tearing apart Libyan cities and driving<br />
thousands from their homes. Many states, including the<br />
vast majority of Western countries, have condemned the<br />
actions of the Gaddafi regime, especially its targeting of<br />
civilians within the country. The involvement of Western<br />
nations such as France, Great Britain, and the <strong>United</strong><br />
States in the aerial bombing campaign over Libya cut<br />
off virtually all diplomatic ties between the Gaddafi<br />
government and the West. The majority of countries are<br />
now recognizing the anti- Gaddafi National Transitional<br />
Council as Libya’s legitimate interim representative<br />
government. Travel advisories and evacuation attempts<br />
have persisted despite attempts by the Libyan government<br />
to close down airports.<br />
SYRIA AND YEMEN<br />
International response to the Syrian conflict has<br />
been mixed. The West has been generally united in its<br />
condemnation of the use of <strong>for</strong>ce and the targeting<br />
of civilians by government <strong>for</strong>ces. The EU and <strong>UN</strong><br />
condemned the use of <strong>for</strong>ce on the part of the Syrian<br />
government. In the <strong>United</strong> States, President Barack<br />
Obama declared that the Syrian government should<br />
address the legitimate grievances and aspirations of its<br />
people. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said that the<br />
U.S. would probably not intervene in Syria given the U.S.<br />
Congress view of al-Assad as a “re<strong>for</strong>mer 22 .” The <strong>United</strong><br />
States imposed sanction on al-Assad and other top Syrian<br />
officials in response to the escalation of violence by the<br />
part of the Syrian government. Russia, however, warned<br />
against taking sides in the Syrian conflict. Iran openly<br />
announced its condemnation <strong>for</strong> the protestors.<br />
In Yemen, mediation attempts by the Gulf<br />
Cooperation Council have been impeded in their<br />
effectiveness by Saleh’s refusal to officially sign on in<br />
multiple different instances, despite expressed verbal<br />
interest in doing so. The past months have seen the<br />
resignation of myriad Yemeni officials and authorities<br />
related with the Saleh government.<br />
INTERNET REVOLUTIONS<br />
The revolutions of the Arab Spring have been waged<br />
as much online as they have been within the actual<br />
countries themselves. Starting with the Tunisian conflict,<br />
the availability of in<strong>for</strong>mation on WikiLeaks citing the<br />
corruption of governments has confounded government<br />
ef<strong>for</strong>ts to control the amount and types of in<strong>for</strong>mation<br />
release to the public. Social media has also increased<br />
awareness of the revolutions in international contexts.<br />
For instance, the initial marches and riots in Sidi Bouzid<br />
following the self-immolation of Mohammed Bouazizi<br />
were displayed on sites such as Facebook and Youtube<br />
along with images of police brutality. Facebook pages<br />
such as “We are All Khalid Said,” developed by Google<br />
executive Wael Ghonim, were used as tools to share<br />
in<strong>for</strong>mation between protestors 23 .<br />
In response, governments all over the Middle<br />
East have strengthened their ef<strong>for</strong>ts to censor public<br />
12 12 Economic and Social Council Specialized & Regional Agencies Bodies
in<strong>for</strong>mation with actions including the shutting off of<br />
servers and electricity <strong>for</strong> the majority of the public and<br />
the massive arrests of writers, bloggers, and individuals<br />
felt to be contributing to the spread of the Internet<br />
revolutions.<br />
REFUGEE SITUATION<br />
The refugee situation in the countries of the Arab<br />
Spring has become dire. Tens of thousands of refugees<br />
have moved out of regions marked by the most intense<br />
violence such as Libya and Syria. Large populations<br />
of internally displaced persons also remain within<br />
multiple countries within the Middle East. The limits<br />
of humanitarian aid in the Middle East have been<br />
continuously stretched; multiple countries in the region,<br />
including Syria, had been hosting over one million Iraqi<br />
refugees following the U.S. invasion of Iraq 24 . The <strong>UN</strong><br />
has been warning of an overall humanitarian aid crisis<br />
within the region with significant shortages of food and<br />
medicine reported throughout the region.<br />
The refugee crises of certain Middle Eastern countries<br />
are not only affecting the countries under conflict. Other<br />
countries worldwide have been facing the consequences<br />
of the lack of humanitarian aid available <strong>for</strong> the displaced<br />
individuals over the Middle East. In particular, roughly<br />
4,000 refugees of the Tunisian crisis fled to the Italian island<br />
of Lampedusa, causing a state of emergency which would<br />
grant federal aid. Tunisian authorities accused the EU of<br />
being passive in its approach to immigration 25 . Interior<br />
Minister Roberto Maroni opened up dialogue with the<br />
Tunisian Foreign Minister asking <strong>for</strong> assistance in halting<br />
the flow of immigration. Tunisia increased the number<br />
of troops patrolling fishing ports and coastal checkpoints.<br />
By mid- February, about 2,000 Tunisian refugees had<br />
been sent to Sicily and another 2,000 had been detained<br />
in Tunisia. Approximately 400 more refugees arrived<br />
on the island in early March, causing Italy to declare a<br />
humanitarian emergency. German Chancellor Angela<br />
Merkel declared the need to strengthen the stability of<br />
Tunisia and thus halt the sudden immigration to Europe.<br />
Similarly, the Syrian crisis has created an unstable<br />
refugee problem. It was reported that approximately 300<br />
Syrian refugees had crossed the Turkish border by early<br />
May. The influx of Syrian refugees into Turkey has been<br />
taking a toll on the resources of the country. According<br />
to Turkish President Abdullah Gül, Turkey was already<br />
facing shortages and limitations in the small refugee<br />
camps it had set up <strong>for</strong> the fleeing Syrians. By early July,<br />
another 15,000 Syrian citizens had moved into tent cities<br />
<strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
in districts near the Turkey- Syria border. Approximately<br />
10,000 Syrian refugees had also crossed into Lebanon by<br />
July to seek shelter and others had also found their way to<br />
Jordan. Checkpoints and military tanks were set up along<br />
the Syrian borders to deter the flow of refugees. Syrian<br />
<strong>for</strong>ces openly attacked a border town of Bdama, arresting<br />
individuals thought to be assisting refugees and burning<br />
homes and businesses 26 .<br />
More than a million people have fled Libya to border<br />
countries including Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria, Niger, and<br />
Chad. The majority of these individuals specifically fled<br />
to refugee camps in Egypt and Tunisia, both of which are<br />
dealing with their own internal conflicts and shortages<br />
of resources. According to the <strong>UN</strong>HCR, approximately<br />
163,000 Libyans fled into Egypt and 288,000 fled to<br />
Tunisia by mid- 2011. Thousands are also attempting<br />
to flee Libya to Europe by boat; as Al Jazeera reports,<br />
over 1500 Libyan asylum-seekers have drowned in the<br />
Mediterranean Sea while trying to seek refuge in Europe.<br />
About a quarter million people remain internally<br />
displaced within Libya: “94,000 in east Libya, 49,000<br />
in Tripoli and Zitan and 100,000 in Nafusa. 27 ” A <strong>UN</strong><br />
Security Council Resolution, backed by U.S., France,<br />
and Britain authorized “all necessary measures” to assure<br />
the protection of civilians under the threat of attack in<br />
Libya.<br />
Overall, the refugee situations in countries all over<br />
the Middle East have invited extensive debate regarding<br />
the future of humanitarian aid in the region and policies<br />
regarding the hosting of refugees. Many refugees have<br />
only fled countries under conflict to seek refuge in<br />
other countries under conflict. Many are the victims<br />
of torture by groups loyal to their governments- even<br />
within refugee camps. Refugee camps have been tested to<br />
their capacities; there has been a general and widespread<br />
lack of adequate living conditions, food, medicine, legal<br />
services, and psychological services <strong>for</strong> those in the midst<br />
of conflict. It remains difficult and often dangerous<br />
<strong>for</strong> nongovernmental organizations and independent<br />
international agencies to reach target refugee populations<br />
within multiple Middle Eastern countries. Currently,<br />
the refugee problem has not been contained to any<br />
one country but has rather been spread to neighboring<br />
countries (many of which lack the resources and ability<br />
to provide adequate protection and other services) and<br />
internationally (to many countries asserting the national<br />
security risks presented by the sudden influx of thousands<br />
of displaced persons).<br />
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RELEVANT <strong>UN</strong> ACTIONS<br />
The <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> has been working along with<br />
many Western nations to condemn the violence in<br />
many of the countries involved in the Arab Spring and<br />
to try to bring about significant resolutions between the<br />
governments and the public. The <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> body<br />
as a whole has condemned the use of <strong>for</strong>ce in Libya,<br />
Egypt, Yemen, Syria, and Tunisia against protestors and<br />
other actions on the part of the government to suppress<br />
free speech and expression through Internet censorship<br />
and the targeting of writers. Specifically, the <strong>United</strong><br />
<strong>Nations</strong> Security Council adopted multiple resolutions<br />
concerning the use of <strong>for</strong>ce in Libya. <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong><br />
Security Council Resolution 1970 condemned the<br />
use of lethal <strong>for</strong>ce by the Gaddafi regime and imposed<br />
sanctions in response. <strong>UN</strong> Securing Council Resolution<br />
1973 established a no-fly zone over Libya 28 .<br />
<strong>UN</strong> agencies attempting to ease the humanitarian<br />
crisis have rejected offers of support from the military in<br />
such countries as Libya as ordained by the Guidelines on<br />
the Use of Military and Civil Defense Assets to Support<br />
<strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> Humanitarian Activities in Complex<br />
Emergencies (MCDA). The neutrality of aid agencies<br />
has been an important objective throughout each of the<br />
different conflicts.<br />
The <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong><br />
<strong>Refugees</strong>, despite facing severe shortages in its quantity<br />
of funds, is working to provide solutions <strong>for</strong> the millions<br />
of refugees and other displaced individuals of the Arab<br />
Spring Revolutions. Following the statutes of the <strong>United</strong><br />
<strong>Nations</strong> Convention Relating to the Status of <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
(1951), the <strong>UN</strong>HCR has identified refugee crises in the<br />
countries of the Arab Spring.<br />
In response, the <strong>UN</strong>HCR has set up refugee camps to<br />
aid the refugees fleeing such countries as Libya and Syria.<br />
However, as has been noted, many of these established<br />
refugee camps are in countries such as Egypt and<br />
Tunisia, leaving it to be determined whether the refugees<br />
are entering safe countries or being passed between<br />
dangerous situations. The <strong>UN</strong>HCR has typically been<br />
against the smuggling of individuals by boat out of the<br />
conflicted countries, with many dying due to the horrid<br />
humanitarian conditions on the journeys. The <strong>UN</strong> has<br />
appealed to Mediterranean ships to look out <strong>for</strong> vessels<br />
that may be carrying refugees.<br />
The <strong>UN</strong>HRC hopes to continue its ef<strong>for</strong>ts to “expand<br />
the protection space <strong>for</strong> refugees and asylum seekers,”<br />
including the establishment of national asylum legislation<br />
and procedures 29 . In Tunisia, <strong>UN</strong>HCR currently<br />
registers asylum-seekers, issues documentations, and<br />
works to ensure a standard of protection <strong>for</strong> them. Longstaying<br />
refugees are provided with monthly allowances.<br />
Currently, Syria hosts one of the world’s largest<br />
refugee populations, including approximately 500,000<br />
Palestinians and hundreds of thousands of displaced<br />
Iraqis. Like Syria, Egypt both hosts refugees and serves<br />
as a point of departure <strong>for</strong> refugees. In such countries,<br />
the refugee situation is further complicated by issues<br />
regarding not only the protection and maintenance of<br />
national refugees but also the treatment of those refugees<br />
that the country already hosts.<br />
PROPOSED SOLUTIONS<br />
There have been multiple proposed solutions to the<br />
refugee problems in the countries of the Arab Spring.<br />
It has generally been agreed upon, however, that any<br />
lasting solution to the conflict will have to address the<br />
social, economic, and political struggles at the heart of<br />
the conflicts themselves. Thus, the committee must also<br />
think of the long-term implications of any solutions on<br />
the fights <strong>for</strong> independence themselves.<br />
ADDRESSING HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES<br />
To date, the <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> and multiple countries<br />
and international organizations have involved themselves<br />
with some aspect of the Arab Spring revolutions. The<br />
involvement of countries such as the <strong>United</strong> States<br />
and France cannot be denied with respect to imposed<br />
restrictions, condemnation, and aerial campaigns within<br />
the conflicted regions. However, there still exists the<br />
demand <strong>for</strong> workable solutions to bring about peaceful<br />
dialogue between the opposing sides in many of these<br />
disputes. It has been proposed that the <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong><br />
coordinate a general trade embargo against countries<br />
with the most outstanding human rights records, though<br />
the effects of any such action are sure to be felt by<br />
the individual citizens themselves. A call <strong>for</strong> a general<br />
increase in the amount of humanitarian aid given by<br />
most countries has also been proposed, though many<br />
countries worldwide are currently facing economic crises<br />
themselves.<br />
THE SHELTERING OF REFUGEES<br />
Currently, thousands of refugees <strong>for</strong>m individual<br />
countries involved in the Arab Spring revolutions have<br />
fled to refugee camps in bordering countries. Many of<br />
these bordering countries are themselves immersed in<br />
14 14 Economic and Social Council Specialized & Regional Agencies Bodies
evolutionary struggles. For instance, a large percentage<br />
of Libyan refugees have tried to seek shelter in countries<br />
such as Egypt and Tunisia. In both the neighboring<br />
countries directly immersed in civil conflicts and thus<br />
more relatively stable, the influx of refugees has taken<br />
an immense toll on the internal resources of the nations.<br />
It has been proposed that the <strong>UN</strong>HCR continue to set<br />
up refugee camps in the countries neighboring those in<br />
conflict, while allowing the <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> as a whole<br />
to organize an international response to the problems<br />
of the affected regions. To guard against attacks to the<br />
individual refugee camps, it has been further proposed<br />
that the number of <strong>UN</strong> peacekeepers and military<br />
officials be increased near the borders of the conflicted<br />
regions to guard against attacks from pro- government<br />
<strong>for</strong>ces. The individual neighboring countries do not share<br />
the zeal of the international community in the success of<br />
this solution; as most recognize the need <strong>for</strong> shelter of<br />
refugees from Libya, Syria, or other countries in conflict,<br />
the harsh economic environment may impede their<br />
ability to not only take care of the coming refugees but<br />
also their citizens as a whole.<br />
On the other hand, it has been suggested to allow<br />
refugees to seek asylum in countries much further<br />
removed from the crises such as countries in Europe.<br />
Currently, many refugees have been attempting to escape<br />
their countries in boats headed to Italy, France, and other<br />
European countries. The general response of the EU and<br />
individual European countries has been cautionary with<br />
many claiming that the growing numbers of refugeesmany<br />
of whom cannot effectively communicate in the<br />
languages of their host countries- have been taking a toll<br />
on their resources and undermining their immigration<br />
policies. However, refugees who have immigrated to<br />
<strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
Europe have found a greater degree of stability than<br />
those maintained in neighboring regions.<br />
The issue of the transportation of various populations<br />
of refugees also brings to light questions regarding the<br />
status and treatment of refugees and asylum- seekers.<br />
Specifically, no concrete solutions have been established<br />
regarding the treatment of long- displaced refugees<br />
within their host countries and the specific rights and<br />
privileges af<strong>for</strong>ded them while living in refugee camps.<br />
So far, it is uncertain whether military <strong>for</strong>ces within<br />
the different host countries are responsible <strong>for</strong> the<br />
guaranteeing of safety to refugees within the camps or<br />
whether that aspect should fall on international bodies.<br />
Humanitarian conditions within the camps themselves<br />
are not at their peak. Though free from the general<br />
instability of the struggles behind them, refugees are<br />
currently experiencing shortages of food, water, and<br />
space within the camps.<br />
PROTECTION OF INTERNALLY DISPLACED<br />
PERSONS<br />
Also relevant to any comprehensive solution is a<br />
consideration <strong>for</strong> the status and protection of the millions<br />
of individuals internally displaced within different<br />
countries. With the targeting of civilians becoming<br />
increasingly common within Middle Eastern countries,<br />
life has become increasingly dangerous <strong>for</strong> those left<br />
behind in their countries during contentious and bloody<br />
wars. It is clear from multiple government statements<br />
that the vast majority of Arab states demand that the<br />
international community respect their sovereignty with<br />
regard to the treatment and protection of their own<br />
civilians. However, the massive human rights abuses<br />
reported by such international organizations as Amnesty<br />
International and Human Rights Watch has made clear<br />
the dire situation that most of the internally displaced<br />
face within their countries. It is important to preserve a<br />
sense of stability in the lives of the millions who have been<br />
displaced all over the Middle East through solutions that<br />
address all the nuances of the political situations within<br />
the countries of the Arab Spring.<br />
Questions A Resolution Must Answer (QARMA)<br />
There are myriad issues relating to the refugee<br />
situations in the countries of the Arab Spring, and a good<br />
resolution should address as many as possible. Below are<br />
five of such questions that your resolution must answer,<br />
but be sure to look into the different issues relating to all<br />
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<strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
aspects of the conflicts. Many should come up during<br />
committee discussion and debate!<br />
How can the <strong>UN</strong>HCR prevent future refugee crises<br />
in the Middle Eastern region, despite the instability<br />
of the area?<br />
Should countries which neighbor countries facing<br />
serious refugee crises be responsible <strong>for</strong> taking in any<br />
of those refugees?<br />
As the situation in countries that have been a part of<br />
the “Arab Spring” is still changing every day, how<br />
can the <strong>UN</strong>HCR be best prepared to help the<br />
people who will be refugees as a result of the future<br />
violence?<br />
What actions can the <strong>UN</strong>HCR take to improve the<br />
humanitarian conditions of the refugee camps in<br />
the Middle East?<br />
In the Middle East and the Arab Gulf region, only<br />
three countries have signed the 1951 Refugee<br />
Convention. How can the <strong>UN</strong>HCR bring about<br />
more cooperation with its ef<strong>for</strong>ts to help refugees<br />
in this area?<br />
BLOC POSITIONS<br />
In their positions relative to the Middle Eastern<br />
refugee situations, natural distinctions arise between<br />
countries that feel it the duty of the international<br />
community to safeguard the rights of refugees first<br />
and <strong>for</strong>emost regardless of circumstance, those that<br />
wish acknowledgement of the economic and social<br />
implications of sheltering large numbers of refugees, and<br />
those that feel the sovereignty concerns of the individual<br />
countries should far outweigh any other factor in the<br />
matter. These distinctions tend to align with geographic<br />
distance from the conflict with neighboring countries<br />
accepting of the situation but lamenting the strain on<br />
their resources and those farther removed split between<br />
their ideologies regarding matters of universal human<br />
rights and national sovereignty.<br />
THE CO<strong>UN</strong>TRIES OF THE ARAB SPRING<br />
The countries of the Arab Spring are experiencing<br />
increased numbers of internally displaced individuals<br />
and refugees trying to flee their respective countries. For<br />
countries neighboring particularly conflicted regions,<br />
this has put a significant strain on national resources<br />
and state institutions to guarantee the maintenance and<br />
protections of these displaced people. Few of the countries<br />
in the Middle East are actual signatories of the 1951<br />
Convention on the Rights of <strong>Refugees</strong> and thus do not<br />
bind themselves to internationally- recognized standards<br />
of care in refugee facilities. The instability inherent in<br />
these countries is also to be acknowledged. Countries<br />
such as Syria were already sheltering large numbers of<br />
refugees from other Middle Eastern countries such as<br />
the Palestinian refugees. The crisis in their own countries<br />
has diverted resources from the care of the refugees to<br />
the actual revolutionary ef<strong>for</strong>ts occurring within their<br />
countries.<br />
Refugee camps have been set up and are being<br />
maintained on the borders between certain countries.<br />
However, these camps are not entirely immune to the<br />
tensions plaguing the original conflicted zones. For<br />
instance, Syrian authorities attacked refugee camps and<br />
aid workers in the border town of Bdama- consistent<br />
with their general policy of attacking non-combatants.<br />
It is clear that such refugee camps pose a threat to the<br />
more violent governments in the region, while others<br />
are content with ensuring that their citizens stay close to<br />
their own borders.<br />
WESTERN GREAT POWER NATIONS<br />
The response of many of the Western Great Powers<br />
has been united and coordinated in condemning such<br />
actions as the use of <strong>for</strong>ces targeted against civilians.<br />
Countries such as the <strong>United</strong> States, France, and Great<br />
Britain have been closely monitoring the conflicts in<br />
the Middle East, even interfering in the conflicts when<br />
the toll on human life has been considered to dire <strong>for</strong><br />
inaction. For instance, all three countries participated<br />
in the aerial bombings campaigns against pro-Gaddafi<br />
<strong>for</strong>ces in Libya 30 .<br />
These countries also tend to have been heavily invested<br />
in the Arab conflicts <strong>for</strong> decades. The Arab states were<br />
originally put under the control of the Western Great<br />
Power nations through the mandate system at the end<br />
of the First World War. Since then, the strategic location<br />
of the region and its large reserves of oil have kept the<br />
western nations personally involved in the developments<br />
in the region. Multiple conflicts and alliances have<br />
emerged between these powers and Arab states. The<br />
<strong>United</strong> States, <strong>for</strong> instance, has had a particular presence<br />
in the region through its involvement in the Arab- Israeli<br />
Wars, conflicts with Iran and Iraq, and issues relating to<br />
Egypt and the Suez Canal 31 . Though hesitant to jeopardize<br />
16 16 Economic and Social Council Specialized & Regional Agencies Bodies
<strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
relationships with such allies as Israel, the <strong>United</strong> States<br />
primarily recognizes and vows to aid those individuals<br />
directly facing the tyranny of oppressive governments. It<br />
is in the favor of these countries to instill responsive, prodemocracy<br />
ideals within the region and to come to the<br />
aid of asylum-seekers in need. President Obama asserted<br />
in a speech on March 28 th that the U.S. “refused to wait<br />
<strong>for</strong> the images of slaughter and mass graves be<strong>for</strong>e taking<br />
action. 32 ” The U.S. has pledged approximately $27<br />
million, <strong>for</strong> instance, <strong>for</strong> Libyan refugees. Great Britain<br />
and the <strong>United</strong> States have also shared costs in patrolling<br />
the no-fly zone over Libya.<br />
Given that, these countries also recognize the<br />
extreme burden posed by the sudden influx of myriad<br />
refugees. Many members of the European Union have<br />
enacted strict immigration policies to deter the influx<br />
of refugees from such countries as Syria and Libya,<br />
acknowledging that such large numbers of refugees put<br />
a toll on their immigration systems and ultimately do<br />
not solve the roots of the problems within the respective<br />
states in crisis. British Foreign Secretary William Hague<br />
articulated in May that European governments must<br />
be “tough” in securing their borders from the influx of<br />
refugees. “We need proper controls. We can’t just accept<br />
a flow of hundreds of thousands or millions of people<br />
into Southern Europe,” Hague stated 33 . The Western<br />
powers have expressed their support <strong>for</strong> measures to aid<br />
the <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> and other bodies in humanitarian<br />
missions throughout the region and to give military<br />
assistance in the fight against tyrannical, authoritarian<br />
despots. Though most of these countries are continuing<br />
to accept the incoming refugees, they look especially to<br />
other methods to return stability to the region as a whole.<br />
THE EASTERN GREAT POWERS<br />
Countries such as Russia and China tend to focus less<br />
on the individual grievances of the refugees themselves<br />
rather focusing more towards the rights and sovereignty<br />
of the individual nations in conflict. Both Russia and<br />
China agreed not to veto <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> Security<br />
Council Resolutions condemning the use of <strong>for</strong>ce against<br />
civilians by Libya. However, neither country voted in<br />
the affirmative and has since expressed regrets over the<br />
outcome of the votes. The countries are both currently<br />
impeding Security Council actions to condemn the<br />
actions of the Syrian government in the Middle East,<br />
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<strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
quick to remind the international community to stay<br />
neutral in these respects and rather allow the specific<br />
countries to enact their appropriate policies.<br />
SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH<br />
The Arab Spring Revolutions are public, in<strong>for</strong>mationcentered<br />
revolutions. In a very real way, many battles<br />
influencing the future of the Arab states have been waged<br />
over popular networking sites, blogs, and the Internet.<br />
Given this, a great deal of data relating to the scope of<br />
the conflicts, the demands and arguments of protestors,<br />
and the international response to specific events can be<br />
found online.<br />
I recommend beginning your research with a basic<br />
search of the Arab Spring on Google and Wikipedia.<br />
While useful <strong>for</strong> their summaries and backgrounds of<br />
the conflicts overall, your search should by no means<br />
stop there. Also move on to other sources to conduct<br />
comprehensive research on the history, recent events,<br />
and economic and political issues relating to the conflict.<br />
Both domestic and international newspapers<br />
and journals have been tracking the conflict since its<br />
inception. Though the “Arab Spring” is an extensive term<br />
which encompasses the struggles in many countries all<br />
over the Middle East, it is important <strong>for</strong> the members<br />
of our committee to understand how all of the different<br />
events and revolutions fit together. An interactive<br />
timeline of the revolutions can be found at the UK’s<br />
Guardian newspaper site: http://www.guardian.co.uk/<br />
world/interactive/2011/mar/22/middle-east-protestinteractive-timeline.<br />
Looking at this timeline and<br />
others readily accessible will help you keep track of the<br />
progression of events in our committee.<br />
Al Jazeera-English might be one of your best bets<br />
<strong>for</strong> finding up-to-date in<strong>for</strong>mation about both recent<br />
developments in and the historical background of the<br />
different conflicts. It is also a good place to find editorials<br />
written by individuals close to the conflict which give<br />
extensive explanations and clarifications on individual<br />
actions. The New York Times has an extensive archive<br />
of articles, photographs, analyses, and editorials which<br />
look into different aspects of the crises and, specifically,<br />
outline the international response. The Economist is also<br />
a good resource <strong>for</strong> analyses of the economic, political,<br />
and social implications of different events relating to the<br />
Arab Spring and to peruse proposed solutions given by<br />
professional figures on the matters.<br />
Though it might be tempting to devote all of your<br />
research to the arguments surrounding the different<br />
conflicts themselves, be sure to also focus specifically on<br />
the refugee situations within the different countries. The<br />
<strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> website itself, specifically the Office of<br />
the <strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong> is a great place<br />
to find current statistics about the growing numbers of<br />
refugees and casualties of the different conflicts. Twitter,<br />
Youtube, WikiLeaks, and Facebook have each played<br />
important roles in the dissemination of in<strong>for</strong>mation<br />
about the crisis to the public. Be sure to view video clips<br />
released by the protestors which broadcast the highlycharged<br />
political environment and the extreme tensions<br />
between the government and the public.<br />
Though many of the events relating to the Arab<br />
Spring specifically occurred within the following two<br />
years, do not constrain yourself to only analyses of<br />
recent events. The Middle East region has seen conflict<br />
and extreme tension <strong>for</strong> decades and, though currently<br />
erupting in a very public way, the struggles of protestors<br />
have spanned <strong>for</strong> just as long. However, as you parse<br />
through these different sources, take note of the inherent<br />
biases that may accompany specific resources. Though it<br />
is encouraged that you look into the emotionally charged<br />
writings of certain protestors through personal blog posts<br />
and letters, <strong>for</strong> instance, make sure to also take note of<br />
the arguments of the other sides. These may be crucial in<br />
solidifying the positions of your respective countries.<br />
TOPIC B: THE IVORIAN REFUGEE CRISIS<br />
STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM<br />
The country of Côte d’Ivoire has been racked by civil<br />
war <strong>for</strong> almost a decade but the internal political tensions<br />
at the root of the conflicts have spanned <strong>for</strong> much longer.<br />
The First and Second Ivorian Civil Wars devastated the<br />
country, pitting the North against the South, and plaguing<br />
the entire West African region with extreme violence.<br />
The conflicts surrounding the 2010 Ivorian presidential<br />
election were only the latest in a string of issues that has<br />
emerged in the country from unresolved questions of<br />
Ivorian nationality and legitimate democratic control.<br />
The violent political Ivorian landscape in recent months<br />
took the lives of thousands of people; today, tens of<br />
thousands of Ivorian refugees remain displaced in Côte<br />
d’Ivoire and neighboring countries.<br />
18 18 Economic and Social Council Specialized & Regional Agencies Bodies
Many <strong>for</strong>eign nations and the <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> as a<br />
whole stood together to condemn the rampant human<br />
rights abuses within Côte d’Ivoire and have <strong>for</strong>mally<br />
recognized the presidency of Alassane Ouattara since<br />
December 2010. Many <strong>UN</strong> member nations sent troops<br />
and economic assistance to Côte d’Ivoire during the<br />
multiple stages of the conflict to maintain stability and<br />
offer protection to Ivorian civilians. France, in particular,<br />
was heavily invested in the maintenance of stability<br />
in the country as a <strong>for</strong>mer ruling colonial power with<br />
multiple bases and embassies still present within the<br />
country. The Ivorian economy was also severely impacted<br />
by the political conflict. The government defaulted on<br />
the payment of a multi-billion dollar bond and many<br />
Ivorian banks collapsed as a result of significant capital<br />
flight from the country. Moreover, as the world’s largest<br />
producer of cocoa, Côte d’Ivoire and its significant<br />
internal turmoil caused the global prices of cocoa and<br />
related prices to fluctuate tremendously in recent months.<br />
Violence is widespread in Côte d’Ivoire with the<br />
country still facing the backlash of the Ivorian civil<br />
wars. To a large extent, public confidence has not been<br />
restored in the legitimacy of the Ivorian government. In<br />
the southern regions of the country, in which supporters<br />
of Laurent Gbagbo were heavily concentrated, there are<br />
still many groups refusing to recognize the authority<br />
of the new government. There exists a deep divide in<br />
Côte d’Ivoire between native resident Ivorians and those<br />
who either immigrated to the country or whose parents<br />
immigrated to the country in recent decades 34 . This divide<br />
has manifested itself in acts of discrimination targeted at<br />
Ivorian immigrant groups. There is additionally much<br />
fighting amongst native Ivorian tribes with regards to<br />
land and farming rights and political representation.<br />
Côte d’Ivoire and neighboring countries have been<br />
struggling to maintain and protect the thousands of<br />
displaced people as a result of the conflict. Prior to the<br />
recent outbreaks of violence, Côte d’Ivoire had been<br />
sheltering large numbers of refugees from countries<br />
throughout West Africa, most notably displaced persons<br />
of the Liberian civil war. Under the policies of the<br />
first Ivorian president, Felix Houphouet-Boigny, these<br />
displaced people were welcomed into the homes and<br />
villages of Ivorians as free members of the society. Few<br />
refugee camps were thus built within Côte d’Ivoire to<br />
accommodate refugees. Today, this lack of adequate<br />
facilities has proved problematic with thousands of<br />
refugees seeking shelter all over the country. The resources<br />
of neighboring countries are also being stretched<br />
Economic and Social Council & Regional Bodies<br />
<strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
beyond their limits, resulting in frequent reports of<br />
overcrowding, shortages, and mistreatment in refugee<br />
care facilities. Multiple border refugee camps were also<br />
targeted by Ivorian <strong>for</strong>ces during the conflict, creating<br />
general concerns regarding refugee safety and protection<br />
within camps.<br />
The refugee assistance ef<strong>for</strong>ts have also largely been<br />
plagued by problems relating to the registering and<br />
acquiring of official documents <strong>for</strong> Ivorian refugees. It has<br />
been difficult <strong>for</strong> the <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> and other involved<br />
organization to obtain official civil documents including<br />
birth certificates <strong>for</strong> the large refugee populations,<br />
especially in the northern and western regions of the<br />
country. These complications have put large numbers<br />
of Ivorian refugees at severe risk of statelessness 35 . In<br />
addition, educational services, which would facilitate the<br />
reintegration of refugee groups, are significantly limited<br />
within refugee camps and throughout the country.<br />
Today, the needs of thousands of displaced people<br />
have remained largely unmet and Côte d’Ivoire’s political<br />
situations have not been resolutely resolved. Progress<br />
has been made in reducing the violence in Côte d’Ivoire<br />
since the end of the Ivorian civil war; however, human<br />
rights abuses and discriminatory actions remain frequent<br />
in the country. It is uncertain whether the country’s<br />
upcoming elections will return a sense of order to the<br />
Ivorian political landscape. Resolutions to the conflict<br />
and the Ivorian refugee crisis are much awaited by the<br />
ever-increasing numbers of refugees.<br />
HISTORY OF THE PROBLEM<br />
ROOTS IN ETHNIC TENSION<br />
During the 1990s, Côte d’Ivoire experienced a<br />
significant influx of West African ethnic groups due to its<br />
relative economic stability. Of these immigrating groups,<br />
Burkinabes (inhabitants of Burkina Faso) composed the<br />
great majority. By 1998, these groups made up 26%<br />
of the Ivorian population. The relationship between<br />
Burkinabes and native Ivorians was characterized by great<br />
tension and general hostility. This tension was akin to<br />
that between the Bêtes and Baoules, both native Ivorian<br />
tribes. These tribal tensions had largely been fueled by<br />
Baoulean agricultural success in the western regions of<br />
the country in fertile areas that had been claimed by<br />
some Bête people 36 .<br />
The government’s policy of granting nationality<br />
to resident Burkinabes in Côte d’Ivoire angered many<br />
Ivorians and was criticized as an election tactic to<br />
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increase their base of support. In 1995, when Burkinabes<br />
were killed during ethnic riots in the town of Tabou, the<br />
tensions broke out into widespread violence.<br />
ISSUES OF PRESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION<br />
Felix Houphouet-Boigny had served as the first<br />
president of Côte d’Ivoire since its independence in<br />
1960. His presidency had been marked by economic<br />
and political stability until the very last years of his<br />
rule, in which the Ivorian economy started experiencing<br />
prolonged stagnation. After Houphouet-Boigny’s death<br />
in 1993, National Assembly President Henry Konan<br />
Bédié assumed the presidency of Côte d’Ivoire. His<br />
claim to power was contested by Ivorian Prime Minister<br />
Alassane Ouattara. However, after an unsuccessful power<br />
struggle, Ouattara resigned as Prime Minister and Bédié<br />
was elected as President of the Democratic Party of Côte<br />
d’Ivoire - African Democratic Rally (PDCI-RDA) soon<br />
afterward. During Bédié’s presidency, the economic<br />
situation worsened and there were myriad reports<br />
of governmental corruption and political repression.<br />
Specifically, Bédié’s government was accused of racially<br />
discriminating against immigrant groups in Côte<br />
d’Ivoire by calling into question their nationality under<br />
the concept of Ivoirité. These policies furthered the<br />
divide between the North with its significant immigrant<br />
populations and the South in Côte d’Ivoire 37 .<br />
In 1994, Bédié pushed through the Ivorian National<br />
Assembly a law which required candidates <strong>for</strong> the<br />
presidency and legislature to prove that they and their<br />
parents were native Ivorians. The law, later incorporated<br />
into the 2000 Ivorian Constitution, explicitly stated that<br />
a candidate <strong>for</strong> the presidency “must be Ivorian by birth,<br />
born of a father and of a mother themselves Ivorians<br />
by birth. He must never have renounced the Ivorian<br />
nationality. He must never have had another nationality.<br />
He must have resided in Côte d’Ivoire continuously<br />
during the five years preceding the date of the elections<br />
and have totaled ten years of effective presence” 38 . This<br />
new law prohibited presidential candidate Alassane<br />
Ouattara, who had the overwhelming support of<br />
immigrant workers in the northern regions of the country,<br />
from running. It was popularly claimed that the new law<br />
had been passed to specifically bar Ouattara’s candidacy<br />
in the election. The two main opposition parties, the<br />
Rally of the Republicans (RDR) and the Ivorian Popular<br />
Front (FPI) boycotted the 1995 elections and Bédié won<br />
with 96% of the vote.<br />
On December 24, 1999, a group of soldiers led a<br />
military coup against the government and removed<br />
Bédié from power. Former Army Chief Robert Guéï<br />
assumed power as head of the National Public Salvation<br />
Committee. As president, Guéï publicly announced<br />
the dissolution of parliament, the supreme court, and<br />
constitutional council. However, in a television address,<br />
he assured the country that the security of all residents<br />
would be upheld and democracy would be restored to<br />
the country. Guéï’s presidency split the country between<br />
supporters who believed that the army could restore Côte<br />
d’Ivoire’s <strong>for</strong>mer economic prosperity and opponents<br />
who refused to recognize the legitimacy of the military<br />
presidency 39 . The coup was openly condemned by <strong>United</strong><br />
States, France, Canada and many African countries who<br />
called <strong>for</strong> a return to civilian rule. The Ivorian Human<br />
Rights League reported myriad human rights abuses<br />
including the execution of suspected criminals without<br />
investigation. Soldiers also participated in many mutinies<br />
as a result of unmet demands <strong>for</strong> increases in pay.<br />
Though the government denounced Bedei’s policy<br />
of Ivoirité, the discrimination and political repression of<br />
immigrant groups in Côte d’Ivoire did not cease. Guéï<br />
expelled RDR representatives from the government in<br />
April 2000 and the 2000 constitution contained the<br />
exclusionary clause, barring the children of immigrants<br />
from running <strong>for</strong> president. In the October 2000<br />
elections, all major opposition candidates with the<br />
exception of the Ivorian Popular Front candidate Laurent<br />
Gbagbo were disqualified from running. Gbagbo won<br />
the election held on October 22, 2000. Guéï refused<br />
to recognize this result and Alassane Ouattara called <strong>for</strong><br />
a new election. After claiming his own victory in the<br />
elections, Guéï was confronted by major protests and<br />
20 Economic and Social Council Specialized & Regional Agencies Bodies
fled the country, allowing Gbagbo to assume power.<br />
Laurent Gbagbo, with the popular support of the South,<br />
was elected president of Côte d’Ivoire on October 26,<br />
2000. Parliamentary elections were held in December<br />
2000 and won by the Ivorian Popular Front 40 .<br />
OUTBREAK OF CIVIL WAR<br />
In September 2002, the New Forces, well- armed<br />
troops from the North, launched a revolt against the<br />
government of Laurent Gbagbo. They claimed issues of<br />
Ivorian citizenship, representation in the government,<br />
and voting rights as their main instigators to violence.<br />
On September 19, 2002, they attacked many major<br />
Ivorian cities, including capital Abidjan, taking dominant<br />
control of northern Côte d’Ivoire. Former president<br />
Robert Guéï was killed in the fighting and Ouattara<br />
took refuge in the French embassy. Official government<br />
<strong>for</strong>ces, the National Army (FANCI) and the Young<br />
Patriots, nationalist groups loyal to Gbagbo, maintained<br />
control of Abidjan and cities in the southern regions of<br />
the country 41 . According to Laurent Gbagbo, deserters<br />
from the army backed by Burkina Faso were the cause of<br />
the uprising.<br />
The government of Côte d’Ivoire appealed to <strong>for</strong>eign<br />
nations <strong>for</strong> assistance in dealing with the conflict, most<br />
notably France. France sent 2500 soldiers to help<br />
contain the conflict and appealed to the <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong><br />
<strong>for</strong> additional assistance. CEDEAO <strong>for</strong>ces under the<br />
auspices of the Economic Community of West African<br />
States and the <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> were deployed to Côte<br />
d’Ivoire.<br />
France’s loyalties in the conflict were questioned<br />
by both sides. Both government supporters and rebel<br />
<strong>for</strong>ces claimed that France was assisting the other side.<br />
French <strong>for</strong>ces were able to move between the two sides<br />
to prevent rebel attacks on the south. The <strong>United</strong> States<br />
also gave limited support in maintaining the zone. A<br />
cease-fire was signed on October 17 and France started<br />
negotiation with both sides. On November 28, 2002,<br />
however, new rebel groups- the Movement of the Ivory<br />
Coast of the Great West (MPIGO) and the Movement<br />
<strong>for</strong> Justice and Peace (MJP) - took control of western<br />
Ivorian towns. France sent troops to the western regions<br />
to evacuate <strong>for</strong>eigners and put down the rebellions there.<br />
French <strong>for</strong>ces continued to clash with rebel <strong>for</strong>ces during<br />
preparations <strong>for</strong> negotiation 42 .<br />
NEGOTIATION ATTEMPTS: THE LMA AND<br />
<strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
ACCRA TALKS<br />
Representatives from both sides met at Linas-<br />
Marcoussis in France from January 15 to January 26<br />
to attempt peace negotiations in the Linas-Marcoussis<br />
Accords (LMA). On January 26 th , a negotiation was<br />
reached: Gbagbo would retain power and allow opposition<br />
groups into the government. The parties would discuss<br />
issues of citizenship peaceably. French troops remained<br />
between the two sides to maintain a line of peace. The<br />
end of the civil war was proclaimed on July 4, 2003 43 .<br />
Multiple coup attempts were put down by French <strong>for</strong>ces<br />
during this time.<br />
The <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> launched the <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong><br />
Operation in Côte d’Ivoire (<strong>UN</strong>OCI) “to facilitate<br />
the implementation by the Ivorian parties of the peace<br />
agreement” under Security Council Resolution 1528 on<br />
February 27, 2004. Under Operation <strong>UN</strong>ICORN, 3000<br />
French <strong>for</strong>ces were sent in February 2003 and another<br />
4600 in November 2004 to support <strong>UN</strong> peacekeeping<br />
operations 44 . Specifically, <strong>UN</strong> <strong>for</strong>ces under <strong>UN</strong>OCI<br />
aimed to maintain a “zone of confidence” in the center<br />
of the country between the North and South.<br />
Multiple obstacles to the peace agreement arose<br />
quickly in the following months. In early March, the<br />
PDCI refused to participate in government negotiations<br />
after disagreements with the FPI concerning candidacy<br />
requirements. On March 25, a peace march organized<br />
to protest obstacles to the peace agreement was repressed<br />
by armed <strong>for</strong>ces, leading to multiple deaths. Following<br />
the repression, many opposition parties withdrew from<br />
the government. By May, the government of national<br />
reconciliation has been reduced from 44 to 15 members.<br />
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Among the dismissed ministers was the political head<br />
of the rebels, Guillaume Soro. The opposing sides<br />
continued to question French loyalties. On July 4, 3003,<br />
the New Forces signed an “End of War” declaration,<br />
recognizing the presidency of Laurent Gbagbo and<br />
pledging their cooperation in implementing the policies<br />
of the LMA. However, extended political deadlock led<br />
to the Accra II talks in Ghana and the resulting Accra III<br />
Agreement, which outlined specific deadlines concerning<br />
the negotiations. These deadlines were broken in the<br />
following months and both sides reneged on earlier<br />
compromises. For instance, Gbagbo maintained his<br />
right to choose his own prime minister, regardless of<br />
the eligibility considerations suggested at the Accra<br />
talks. The press in general faced massive restrictions as<br />
the government accused them of Northern bias. This<br />
only created a period of increased deadlock instead of<br />
disarmament 45 .<br />
END OF FIGHTING<br />
The New <strong>for</strong>ces announced their refusal to disarm<br />
on October 13, 2004 and clashed often with <strong>UN</strong> and<br />
FANCI soldiers. The government implemented air<br />
strikes against the rebel <strong>for</strong>ces in a bombardment of the<br />
rebel base in Bouaké. A French base in Bouaké was also<br />
bombed, supposedly by accident. The French responded<br />
with an attack on Yamassoukro Airport and took over the<br />
Abidjan Airport. Hundreds of French citizens and other<br />
Westerners were evacuated by French Army helicopters<br />
from the roofs of buildings. In continued clashes with<br />
Ivorian national troops, the French military destroyed<br />
the entire Ivorian Air <strong>for</strong>ce, leading to widespread anti-<br />
French protests.<br />
On November 13, 2004, the President of the Ivorian<br />
National Assembly Mamadou Coulibaly announced that<br />
the government had played no role in the bombardment<br />
of French bases in Bouaké and was determined to<br />
confront France in the International Court of Justice<br />
<strong>for</strong> the destruction of its air <strong>for</strong>ce 46 . The <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong><br />
implemented an arms embargo against Côte d’Ivoire<br />
through Security Council Resolution 1572.<br />
Ivorian leaders met in Pretoria, South Africa in April<br />
2005, declaring in the Pretoria Agreement and end to<br />
the war. New Force troops began disarming in late April.<br />
Presidential elections were planned <strong>for</strong> late October 2005<br />
but delayed due to disarmament measures. The main<br />
Ivorian political parties appealed to the <strong>UN</strong> in October to<br />
reject proposals of the AU to maintain Laurent Gbagbo in<br />
power <strong>for</strong> a year beyond the end of his mandate, but the<br />
Security Council approved the proposals. Disarmament<br />
proceeded throughout the following months between<br />
the pro-government <strong>for</strong>ces and the rebels. The Ivorian<br />
national football team’s qualification <strong>for</strong> the World Cup<br />
brought reduced tensions and encouraged peace talks.<br />
On March 4, 2007, the New Forces and the government<br />
signed a peace agreement in Burkina Faso. New Forces<br />
leader Guillaume Soro was appointed prime minister of<br />
Côte d’Ivoire. In mid-April, the <strong>UN</strong> zone of confidence<br />
began to be dismantled and Gbagbo declared an official<br />
end to the war. Government <strong>for</strong>ces began returning to<br />
areas previously held by the New Forces and Gbagbo<br />
made an official visit to the North in a symbolic<br />
disarmament ceremony in late July 47 .<br />
Thousands of Ivorian refugees fled the country to<br />
refugee camps in neighboring countries to await the end<br />
of the conflict. The official end of fighting, however, did<br />
little to relieve the struggles of the thousands of displaced<br />
persons as a result of the years of war and Ivorian conflict.<br />
Villages, homes and businesses throughout Côte d’Ivoire,<br />
most notably in the western and northern regions of<br />
the country, had been destroyed in the intense violence.<br />
The conflict had also produced large-scale looting and<br />
robberies in many Ivorian towns and cities. Months after<br />
the signing of the Pretoria Agreement, the country still<br />
did not appear to possess the adequate personnel and<br />
resources to address all of the humanitarian concerns<br />
of displaced persons or to ensure their safety during<br />
reintegration.<br />
CURRENT SITUATION<br />
2010 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION<br />
Presidential elections were postponed continuously<br />
from 2005 to October 2010. On December 2, 2010,<br />
the Ivorian Commission Electorale Indépendante (CEI)<br />
announced preliminary results showing that Alassane<br />
Ouattara had won the election in the second round<br />
with 54% of the vote. The FPI contested the results to<br />
the Constitutional Council on the grounds that New<br />
Forces in the northern departments had corrupted the<br />
results, despite the careful scrutiny and attention paid<br />
by international observers. Paul Yao N’Dre, President of<br />
the Constitutional Council, announced publicly that the<br />
CEI had no authority to announce the results as it had<br />
missed its deadline and it was thus under the authority<br />
of the Constitutional Council to announce the decision.<br />
The Constitutional Council was widely seen as favoring<br />
22 Economic and Social Council Specialized & Regional Agencies Bodies
Gbagbo with N’Dre himself a known ally of Laurent<br />
Gbagbo 48 .<br />
The Constitutional Council cancelled the results of<br />
several northern departments on the grounds of election<br />
fraud and declared Gbagbo the winner of the election<br />
with 51% of the vote on December 3, 2010, even<br />
though CEI results attested the opposite. Both Ouattara<br />
and Gbagbo claimed themselves to be the legitimate<br />
elected president of Côte d’Ivoire. Ouattara was <strong>for</strong>mally<br />
recognized as the official president of Côte d’Ivoire by the<br />
New Forces, the <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong>, the African Union (AU),<br />
the European Union (EU), the Economic Community<br />
of West African States (ECOWAS), and nations of the<br />
general international and regional communities. The <strong>UN</strong><br />
Security Council issued an official resolution recognizing<br />
the legitimacy of Ouattara’s presidency. The Ivorian<br />
military sided with Gbagbo and sealed the borders to the<br />
country 49 .<br />
On December 4, 2010, Gbagbo was sworn into a<br />
five-year term in office. Prime Minister Soro resigned on<br />
the same day in a show of support <strong>for</strong> Ouattara. Only<br />
the Angolan and Lebanese ambassadors were present <strong>for</strong><br />
his swearing-in. A wave of intense tensions and violent<br />
protests gripped Côte d’Ivoire. Gbagbo replaced Soro<br />
with Gilbert Aké as prime minister. Alassane Ouattara<br />
was sworn in a couple days afterwards in a separate<br />
inauguration and reappointed Soro as his prime minister 50 .<br />
FAILED ATTEMPTS AT NEGOTIATION<br />
The country was split with supporters of Gbagbo<br />
and supporters of Alassane protesting the double<br />
inaugurations. The scene dissolved into multiple violent<br />
clashes between Ivorian security <strong>for</strong>ces and civilians.<br />
Thabo Mbeki, <strong>for</strong>mer president of South Africa, was sent<br />
by the African Union to facilitate talks between Gbagbo<br />
<strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
and Ouattara. The presidents of various African countries<br />
were also sent to Côte d’Ivoire by ECOWAS to convince<br />
Gbagbo to resign be<strong>for</strong>e military <strong>for</strong>ces were deployed.<br />
After his refusal, ECOWAS and the AU suspended Côte<br />
d’Ivoire’s membership and the U.S. deployed sanctions<br />
against Gbagbo and his allies. The World Bank halted<br />
loans to the country, and travel restrictions were placed<br />
on Gbagbo and his political allies.<br />
Gbagbo requested a recount of votes by an<br />
independent committee in January 2011. International<br />
sanctions levied against Gbagbo reduced Gbagbo’s<br />
ability to finance the Ivorian armed <strong>for</strong>ces, causing<br />
many defections. During the conflict, Ouattara sought<br />
shelter in the Golf Hotel in Abidjan, guarded by <strong>UN</strong><br />
peacekeepers. Troops loyal to Gbagbo surrounded the<br />
Golf Hotel, preventing <strong>UN</strong> trucks from bringing needed<br />
provisions including food and water into the hotel 51 .<br />
Activists organized multiple protests to call <strong>for</strong><br />
Laurent Gbagbo’s removal from power. Demonstrations<br />
of nonviolent resistance were organized both within<br />
Côte d’Ivoire and internationally. Peaceful protests of<br />
women and youth in Abidjan, including one organized<br />
on International Women’s Day, were met with armed<br />
security <strong>for</strong>ces opening fire on the crowds, killing dozens<br />
and injuring hundreds.<br />
OUTBREAK OF CIVIL WAR<br />
Starting in late December, there were numerous<br />
eruptions of violence between Gbagbo and Ouattara<br />
supporters in major Ivorian cities, causing multiple deaths<br />
throughout Côte d’Ivoire. The existence of mass graves<br />
was reported in many Ivorian towns. Clashes between<br />
pro-Gbagbo troops and pro-Ouattara <strong>for</strong>ces killed 44<br />
in Abidjan and Yamoussoukro on December 16, 2010,<br />
44 in Duékoué in early January 2011, 11 in Abidjan in<br />
January 2011, 25 near Abidjan in February 2011, and<br />
over a hundred in March of the same year 52 . Security<br />
<strong>for</strong>ces and rebel groups used automatic weapons and<br />
grenades during much of the conflict. Foreign businesses<br />
and <strong>UN</strong> offices were targeted by Gbagbo supporters.<br />
There were multiple accounts of rape and assault against<br />
women. Shells erupted in a crowded marketplace in the<br />
town of Abobo in mid- March, killing multiple civilians.<br />
The violence in Abidjan erupted in heavy fighting<br />
throughout the western half of Côte d’Ivoire in late<br />
February. Anti-Gbagbo troops, organized as the<br />
Republican Forces of Côte d’Ivoire (RFCI) attempted to<br />
close the Ivorian border with Liberia, from where it was<br />
reported that Gbagbo was recruiting mercenary soldiers.<br />
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Over 1,000 civilians were killed in a bloody massacre<br />
in late March in a neighborhood in the town of Duékoué.<br />
Fighting had erupted over issues of the presidency as well<br />
as cocoa exports and farming rights between the Guere,<br />
the region’s traditional landowners, and the migrant<br />
workers. The <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> reported the involvement<br />
of both pro-Gbagbo and pro-Ouattara <strong>for</strong>ces in the<br />
massacre. Gbagbo’s troops had fired on the civilians<br />
in Duékoué and civilians had been killed by dozos,<br />
traditional Ivorian hunters in support of Ouattara. Prime<br />
Minister Soro claimed that Gbagbo security <strong>for</strong>ces and<br />
Liberian mercenary troops were responsible <strong>for</strong> over 200<br />
deaths, 1000 gunfire injuries, 40 disappearances, and<br />
732 arrests by March 2010 53 .<br />
On March 28, 2011, Ouattara declared that all<br />
peaceful solutions to the crisis had been exhausted and<br />
the RFCI launched a military offensive throughout the<br />
entire country. The government shut down electricity<br />
and water lines to the northern half of the country. The<br />
RFCI quickly took control of most of the western half<br />
of the country and many key ports. <strong>UN</strong> <strong>for</strong>ces were<br />
deployed in Côte d’Ivoire in early April with helicopter<br />
attacks on weapon bases uses by Gbagbo <strong>for</strong>ces.<br />
ARREST OF GBAGBO AND REDUCTION OF<br />
VIOLENCE<br />
On April 11, 2011, Ouattara’s <strong>for</strong>ces stormed the<br />
Presidential Palace and arrested Laurent Gbagbo with<br />
the help of French <strong>for</strong>ces. He was taken to Ouattara’s<br />
headquarters at the Golf Hotel, where he was put under<br />
the supervision of <strong>UN</strong> peacekeepers. Guillaume Soro<br />
<strong>for</strong>med a new government on June 1, 2011, which<br />
excluded all Gbagbo supporters. Laurent Gbagbo<br />
and his wife Simone remained under house arrest in<br />
separate locations in northern Côte d’Ivoire from April<br />
to August 2011. Both were charged with economic<br />
crimes including embezzlement in mid- August. The<br />
government requested the assistance of the International<br />
Criminal Court in investigating charges of violence 54 .<br />
It was announced that a legislative election would<br />
be held by December 15, 2010. Côte d’Ivoire’s<br />
presidential elections have been scheduled <strong>for</strong> October<br />
31, 2010. Issues of disarmament, demobilization, and<br />
the reintegration of the different militia groups have, as<br />
of yet, not been conclusively resolved. Currently, there<br />
remains significant regional tension between the North<br />
and the South in Côte d’Ivoire.<br />
IMPACTS OF VIOLENCE<br />
The civil war further crippled the Ivorian economy.<br />
The prices <strong>for</strong> cocoa soared after Ouattara banned<br />
coffee and cocoa exports to cut Gbagbo’s funding. The<br />
government of Côte d’Ivoire defaulted on the payment<br />
of a $2.3 billion bond and many banks suspended their<br />
operation 55 . In response, Gbagbo had nationalized them<br />
and people rushed to withdraw their cash from the banks.<br />
Côte d’Ivoire now faces a crisis of intense capital flight. By<br />
early July, the <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> lifted the sanctions against<br />
Ivorian enterprises and the International Monetary Fund<br />
lifted its sanctions on aid to Côte d’Ivoire.<br />
The human rights situation in Côte d’Ivoire remained<br />
dire. Amnesty International reported in May that both<br />
sides had committed crimes against humanity. Even<br />
after the arrest of Laurent Gbagbo in April, pro- Gbagbo<br />
<strong>for</strong>ces sill continued to fight. It is estimated that roughly<br />
220 people were killed by pro-Gbagbo <strong>for</strong>ces after the<br />
arrest of Gbagbo. On their part, Ouattara <strong>for</strong>ces killed<br />
a reported 149 people after the arrest of Gbagbo by late<br />
June.<br />
REFUGEE SITUATION<br />
The intense and widespread violence throughout the<br />
entire country led to significant numbers of refugees<br />
and displaced persons, most significantly in the western<br />
regions of the country. By March 2011, it was estimated<br />
that more than 450,000 Ivorians had fled the country 56 .<br />
According to the <strong>UN</strong>, more than 100,000 refugees<br />
have fled to neighboring Liberia and significant refugee<br />
populations travelled to Burkina Faso, Guinea, Ghana,<br />
and Mali. Official numbers at myriad refugee camps<br />
report that approximately two- thirds of the refugees<br />
are children and approximately 55 percent are female.<br />
<strong>Refugees</strong> have come to outnumber Liberian residents in<br />
many border towns, including the Liberian settlement<br />
at Old Pohan. The Liberian President Ellen Johnson<br />
Sirleaf has declared the refugee situation a “serious threat<br />
to the stability of Liberia [as well as] the stability of all<br />
neighboring countries. 57 ” Liberians suffered attacks by<br />
government <strong>for</strong>ces loyal to Laurent Gbagbo during the<br />
civil conflict.<br />
Be<strong>for</strong>e the violence, Côte d’Ivoire had been itself<br />
hosting a large number of Liberian refugees from the brutal<br />
civil conflict in Liberia a decade ago 58 . Many Liberian<br />
villagers have opened their homes to Ivorian refugees as<br />
camps have quickly filled beyond their capacity. It has<br />
become apparent that Liberia may not have the adequate<br />
resources to maintain growing numbers of refugees. The<br />
24 Economic and Social Council Specialized & Regional Agencies Bodies
<strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> opened camps within Liberia to ease<br />
the economic strain. However, it has been reported that<br />
these <strong>UN</strong> initiatives remain significantly underfunded.<br />
Significant numbers of displaced people sheltered<br />
from the crisis in camps throughout the western regions<br />
of Côte d’Ivoire. According to the <strong>UN</strong>, more than 20,000<br />
internally displaced people have been reported near the<br />
cities of Danané, Duékoué and Man. Approximately<br />
1800 Ivorian refugees sheltered from the crisis in Saint<br />
Paul’s Cathedral in Abidjan. At the Catholic Mission in<br />
Duékoué, church officials estimated that roughly 28,000<br />
displaced people were seeking shelter 59 . The <strong>United</strong><br />
<strong>Nations</strong>, Lebanese president and French <strong>for</strong>ces provided<br />
assistance to facilitate the departure of <strong>for</strong>eign nationals<br />
during the peak of the crisis.<br />
The <strong>UN</strong>HCR is currently increasing its aid to the tens<br />
of thousands of Ivorian refugees in Liberia. There have<br />
been reports of shortages of food, water, and shelter all<br />
throughout Côte d’Ivoire and Liberia. The World Food<br />
Program has promised the delivery of food to Ivorian<br />
refugees in Liberia. As they wait <strong>for</strong> food to be distributed,<br />
Ivorian refugees are aiding their host communities with<br />
crop harvests in exchange <strong>for</strong> a portion of dietary staples 60 .<br />
The <strong>UN</strong>HCR ultimately aims to assist Ivorian<br />
refugees in their return from neighboring countries and<br />
ensure a peaceful and effective reintegration. Displaced<br />
people may be dissuaded from local reintegration by<br />
the still tense political environment surrounding Côte<br />
d’Ivoire 61 . It is clear that protection services will be<br />
needed to maintain the safety of these refugees as well as<br />
government cooperation in ensuring fair elections and<br />
general security <strong>for</strong> civilians.<br />
<strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
RELEVANT <strong>UN</strong> ACTIONS<br />
The <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> and the international community<br />
as a whole have played a large role in the development<br />
and resolution of the Ivorian conflicts. <strong>UN</strong> <strong>for</strong>ces and<br />
peacekeepers have been present in Côte d’Ivoire since<br />
the inception of the crises. <strong>UN</strong> aid workers have been<br />
working to enhance the refugee situations within Côte<br />
d’Ivoire and neighboring countries in West Africa. The<br />
<strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> <strong>High</strong> Commission on Human Rights has<br />
declared refugee crises in Côte d’Ivoire and neighboring<br />
countries following the protocols of the <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong><br />
Convention Relating to the Status of <strong>Refugees</strong> (1951).<br />
Currently, Côte d’Ivoire hosts approximately 24,800<br />
refugees and asylum-seekers. Over 13,000 Ivorians<br />
remain as refugees in neighboring countries 62 .<br />
The <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> Operation in Côte d’Ivoire<br />
(<strong>UN</strong>OCI) was authorized by Security Council Resolution<br />
1528 with the objective “to facilitate the implementation<br />
by the Ivorian parties of the peace agreement signed<br />
by them in January 2003. 63 ” Its mandate was extended<br />
several times through the different stages of the conflict<br />
with each extension increasing the size of the operation<br />
and the number of personnel. Security Council<br />
Resolutions 1911 and 1933 additionally addressed the<br />
involvement of peacekeepers from France and Burkina<br />
Faso in helping to contain the conflict. <strong>UN</strong> Security<br />
Council Resolution 1946 extended sanctions against the<br />
Ivorian government, an arms embargo and a ban on the<br />
trade of diamonds with Côte d’Ivoire. <strong>UN</strong>OCI is now in<br />
effect until December 20, 2010. <strong>UN</strong> peacekeepers were<br />
deployed to Côte d’Ivoire to maintain regional stability<br />
and a “zone of confidence” separating the two parties 64 .<br />
On December 23, 2010, the <strong>UN</strong> Human Rights<br />
Council passed a resolution strongly condemning the<br />
human rights abuses that had taken place in Côte d’Ivoire.<br />
Among other regional bodies, Amnesty International<br />
heavily criticized the resolution <strong>for</strong> not going far enough<br />
in addressing the sources of conflict. <strong>UN</strong> peacekeepers<br />
were engaged at all stages of the conflict, fighting alongside<br />
French troops and anti-Gbagbo <strong>for</strong>ces to ultimately<br />
arrest and detain Gbagbo in April 2011. Approximately<br />
72 <strong>UN</strong> personnel have died during <strong>UN</strong>OCI, including<br />
54 <strong>UN</strong> peacekeeping troops.<br />
The Office of the <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> Human Rights<br />
<strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong> drafted the 2011 Côte<br />
d’Ivoire Emergency Humanitarian Action Plan to address<br />
the increasing needs of refugees. The goals of this plan are<br />
to reduce the loss of life, offer protection and necessities<br />
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25
<strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
to those affected by the crisis, improve humanitarian<br />
aid, and strengthen the coordination of the emergency<br />
situation. Ultimately, the <strong>UN</strong>HCR hopes to assist in the<br />
reintegration of displaced people into the country 65 .<br />
<strong>UN</strong>OCI supported the implementation of public<br />
hearings by the Ivorian authorities in 2007-2008, which<br />
provided civil documentation, including birth certificates,<br />
to more than 600,000 Ivorian people. However, the<br />
reestablishment of civil administration in certain zones,<br />
most notably in the northern and western regions, has<br />
not been completed. This has reduced access to needed<br />
registration documents and put hundreds of thousands at<br />
the risk of statelessness. Approximately 82,000 refugees<br />
were registered under an emergency registration process<br />
between late February and April 2011 66 . However, it<br />
is very possible that multiple refugees could have been<br />
registered more than once due to frequent movement<br />
between Liberia and Côte d’Ivoire. To date, 43,726<br />
Ivorian refugees have been individually registered.<br />
The <strong>UN</strong>HCR, despite limited funds and resources,<br />
has been establishing refugee camps within Côte<br />
d’Ivoire and within neighboring countries to assist<br />
the thousands of displaced people. However, reports<br />
of overcrowding, shortages of resources, and targeted<br />
violence abound in and near refugee shelters. The needs<br />
of refugees, asylum- seekers and IDPs are substantial.<br />
The procedures <strong>for</strong> refugee status determination are in<br />
need of improvement. Those at risk of statelessness need<br />
legal assistance to procure civil documents, making it a<br />
priority to rein<strong>for</strong>ce the effective capacities of the Ivorian<br />
judicial and civil systems 67 . Moreover, initiatives need to<br />
be taken to increase the access of refugees to educational<br />
and nutritional services to facilitate their reintegration.<br />
There is also much to be done to address the safety and<br />
protection needs of the refugees and displaced people.<br />
PROPOSED SOLUTIONS<br />
The refugee situations in Côte d’Ivoire and neighboring<br />
countries have drawn the attention and concern of the<br />
international community as a whole. Currently, tens of<br />
thousands of Ivorian refugees remain internally displaced<br />
within the country and thousands have sought refuge in<br />
neighboring countries such as Liberia, Ghana, and Mali.<br />
The neighboring countries have accepted the throngs of<br />
fleeing refugees; many camps have been set up by both<br />
government hosts and the <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong>. However,<br />
it is clear that these countries are suffering a shortage<br />
of resources and a significant economic strain due to<br />
the increasing numbers of refugees. There have been<br />
reports of overcrowding and insufficient water and food<br />
supplies in refugee camps throughout West Africa. Civil<br />
documentation and registration services have not kept<br />
up with the increasing demand of refugees at a great risk<br />
of statelessness. Moreover, certain refugee camps were<br />
targeted by Ivorian <strong>for</strong>ces (both pro-Gbagbo and pro-<br />
Ouattara) during the height of the conflict, creating a<br />
largely unmet need <strong>for</strong> greater protection in many border<br />
camps 68 . The <strong>UN</strong>HCR hopes to ultimately provide<br />
needed legal, nutritional, and educational services to<br />
Ivorian refugees and all displaced persons and support<br />
their local reintegration.<br />
THE IMPLEMENTATION OF ELECTIONS<br />
Elections in Côte d’Ivoire have been scheduled <strong>for</strong><br />
late October. However, they by no means signal the<br />
resolution of all political issues within the country. Issues<br />
of immigration and nationality have remained largely<br />
unanswered within the country. There still remains great<br />
tension between the North and the South, between<br />
native Ivorians and immigrant groups, and amongst<br />
native Ivorian tribes themselves with respect to land<br />
rights. Though the inauguration of Alassane Ouattara<br />
reflects the first election of an Ivorian whose parents<br />
were not born within the country, the policy of Ivoirité<br />
still hangs over Côte d’Ivoire and acts of discrimination<br />
against immigrant groups remain common. As of yet,<br />
there has been little resolute dialogue between all Ivorian<br />
political parties to reach consensus on these matters. Most<br />
solutions agree that the lines of political dialogue must<br />
be opened throughout Côte d’Ivoire to foster discussion.<br />
However, it is open to debate the extent to which certain<br />
political parties should have a say in these determinations<br />
as well as in which <strong>for</strong>m they should take place.<br />
While the Ivorian Civil War may in itself have ended,<br />
Côte d’Ivoire is still plagued with violence and political<br />
instability. It has largely been affirmed that the refugee<br />
problem cannot fully be resolved without addressing the<br />
political, social, and economic issues at the heart of the<br />
Ivorian conflict. Currently, it has been suggested that the<br />
<strong>UN</strong> mandate under <strong>UN</strong>OCI be further extended to allow<br />
<strong>UN</strong> peacekeepers to contribute to stabilization ef<strong>for</strong>ts in<br />
the country. It has also been suggested that the <strong>UN</strong> and<br />
independent organization directly oversee the conducting<br />
of elections in Côte d’Ivoire. Opponents argue that the<br />
increased presence of <strong>for</strong>eign bodies within Côte d’Ivoire<br />
is not entirely welcome and will only undermine the<br />
authority of the new Ivorian government and regional<br />
26 Economic and Social Council Specialized & Regional Agencies Bodies
African bodies such as the AU. It is also uncertain as to<br />
the types of actions which should be taken to maintain<br />
stability- whether simply be peaceful means or with<br />
the continued use of <strong>for</strong>ce. A deep political divide still<br />
remains between the northern and southern regions of<br />
the country. Many opponents of the new government,<br />
especially in the South, are still slow to recognize Ouattara<br />
as the democratically elected president of Côte d’Ivoire.<br />
Some proposals cite the heavy tension between regions as<br />
creating the need <strong>for</strong> a political partition of the country<br />
into separate spheres of influence which, depending on<br />
the degree of the accepted resolution, may produce two<br />
separately controlled states out of Côte d’Ivoire.<br />
THE SHELTERING OF REFUGEES IN THE<br />
REGION<br />
There have been many proposed solutions directly<br />
relating to the sheltering of refugees both within and<br />
outside Côte d’Ivoire. It has been suggested that the<br />
Ivorian refugees should remain within refugee camps in<br />
neighboring countries until a suitable end to the political<br />
crisis is reached. These camps have the advantage of relative<br />
proximity to the Ivorian towns from which refugees are<br />
departing; refugees too tend to share similar backgrounds<br />
and experiences to the residents of neighboring countries,<br />
many of which have undergone their own political<br />
crises. Côte d’Ivoire and neighboring countries such as<br />
Liberia, Mali, and Ghana are all signatories to the 1951<br />
Refugee Convention and the 1967 Protocol governing<br />
the standards of conduct with respect to refugees 69 .<br />
<strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
However, the strain on resources has been significant in<br />
recent months, especially in light of the declining global<br />
economic situation. The <strong>UN</strong>HCR has recommended<br />
the adoption of a national law on refugees and asylum.<br />
Liberia in particular is hosting the greatest number<br />
of Ivorian refugees outside of Côte d’Ivoire. Liberia’s<br />
situation is unique in that it itself was a point of departure<br />
<strong>for</strong> refugees in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Thousands<br />
of refugees of the Liberian civil war flocked to Côte<br />
d’Ivoire during that period; a large percentage of those<br />
that remained in Côte d’Ivoire after the conflict found<br />
themselves fleeing back to <strong>for</strong>merly instable regions<br />
during 2011 70 . The political situation in Côte d’Ivoire<br />
has improved modestly during the last decade; however,<br />
the strain caused by the war has had a lasting impact on<br />
the Liberian economy.<br />
Though these neighboring countries have been<br />
accepting of Ivorian refugees, there have been multiple<br />
issues regarding the exact responsibility of the host<br />
countries to the displaced persons. For instance, the<br />
duration of time during which these countries must host<br />
refugees and the types of provisions that must be provided<br />
by these countries are still issues of controversy. Given the<br />
difficulty in acquiring civil documents <strong>for</strong> the displaced,<br />
issues relating to the treatment of long-displaced refugees<br />
in risk of statelessness have also emerged. It has been<br />
suggested that long-displaced refugees be incorporated<br />
as legitimate members of their host countries; other<br />
proposals suggest the granting of Ivorian civil certificates<br />
and special asylum status to displaced persons within<br />
Côte d’Ivoire 71 .<br />
THE ROLE OF FOREIGN NATIONS<br />
To ease the economic strain on the neighboring<br />
countries, it has been further proposed that <strong>for</strong>eign<br />
nations play a larger role in assisting with the refugee<br />
situation, though it is unclear exactly what this role would<br />
be. Certain proposals suggest that <strong>UN</strong> member nations<br />
simply increase their economic aide to Côte d’Ivoire<br />
and neighboring countries; others suggest the hosting of<br />
Ivorian refugees by <strong>for</strong>eign nations as far as France and<br />
the <strong>United</strong> States. Any resolutions incorporating such<br />
proposals must determine the methods of transport by<br />
which refugees may be moved to other nations, which<br />
nations are obligated to participate, and the treatment of<br />
refugees and asylum-seekers in asylum-granting countries.<br />
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<strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
Questions A Resolution Must Answer (QARMA)<br />
A resolution to the refugee crises in Côte d’Ivoire and<br />
neighboring countries must address the protection, shelter,<br />
and documentation needs of West African refugees in<br />
light of the political, social, and economic turmoil that<br />
still abound in the region. A good resolution should<br />
acknowledge all of these issues and address (but not limit<br />
itself to) the questions below. There is substantial room<br />
<strong>for</strong> creativity and initiative with regards to the tackling of<br />
these issues; factors such as the historical divide between<br />
certain indigenous Ivorian groups and the production<br />
of cocoa within the country, <strong>for</strong> instance, may emerge<br />
during committee discussion.<br />
Should the refugees now living in refugee camps in<br />
countries bordering the Côte d’Ivoire be moved,<br />
as they are seen as a threat to the host countries’<br />
national security, or should the refugees be allowed<br />
to remain there? If the latter, how can the <strong>UN</strong>HCR<br />
help to alleviate the host countries’ concerns?<br />
Be<strong>for</strong>e the Second Civil War occurred, Côte d’Ivoire<br />
housed many refugees from other countries in crisis,<br />
particularly Liberia. What should happen to these<br />
refugees now that Côte d’Ivoire is facing its own<br />
crisis?<br />
How can the <strong>UN</strong>HCR ensure the safety and health of<br />
the millions of people affected by this crisis?<br />
Should countries outside of West Africa be responsible<br />
<strong>for</strong> contributing to the <strong>UN</strong>HCR’s mission in the<br />
Côte d’Ivoire?<br />
How should the <strong>UN</strong>HCR address the problem of<br />
statelessness among those affected by the crisis in<br />
the Côte d’Ivoire?<br />
BLOC POSITIONS<br />
Multiple viewpoints and perspectives have emerged<br />
from different countries regarding the appropriate<br />
handling of the Ivorian political conflict and resulting<br />
refugee crises. The safety and protection of refugees is an<br />
internationally recognized objective. However, natural<br />
distinctions arise regarding the best ways to achieve this<br />
goal and the appropriate roles of certain nations in the<br />
pursuit of this end. Generally, countries neighboring Côte<br />
d’Ivoire have continued to host the increasing number<br />
of refugees but have declared publicly that their political<br />
stability and economic have suffered under the weight<br />
of this task. Other countries are united in their resolve<br />
that <strong>for</strong>eign powers should dedicate more economic and<br />
military assistance to aid in maintaining the security<br />
and stability of the Ivorian political landscape. Still<br />
others hold steadfast in their resolve that the national<br />
sovereignty of Côte d’Ivoire and the West African region<br />
should be respected above all else.<br />
CÔTE D’IVOIRE<br />
Côte d’Ivoire is still recovering from the waves of<br />
violence that have racked the country <strong>for</strong> almost a decade<br />
in civil wars and political conflicts. The number of<br />
refugees has not held constant, however; acts of violence,<br />
discrimination and dissent have maintained everincreasing<br />
numbers of refugees and displaced individuals.<br />
Recently, <strong>for</strong> instance, there have been numerous accounts<br />
of the burning of villages and businesses in multiple<br />
regions of the country out of dissatisfaction with the<br />
outcome of the presidential elections and general deeplyrooted<br />
antagonism against immigrant groups.<br />
Côte d’Ivoire’s refugee facilities were already being<br />
tested to capacity be<strong>for</strong>e the 2010 conflicts by the<br />
large numbers of refugees from the Ivorian civil wars 72 .<br />
Additionally, Côte d’Ivoire had been hosting numbers<br />
of Liberian refugees <strong>for</strong> years following the turmoil of<br />
the Liberian civil war. Today, protection and needed<br />
resources <strong>for</strong> the thousands of internally displaced persons<br />
are severely limited. Côte d’Ivoire had hosted many of<br />
the refugees from other West African countries in the<br />
homes and villages of Ivorian residents, many of which<br />
underwent devastating sieges and destruction during<br />
the recent conflict. Though the country has scheduled<br />
elections and restored the democratically elected<br />
president to power, the situation in Côte d’Ivoire is still<br />
defined by great instability. The Ivorian government has<br />
requested international assistance, including significant<br />
monetary aid, to help mitigate the refugee crises.<br />
LIBERIA AND NEIGHBORING CO<strong>UN</strong>TRIES<br />
The countries neighboring Côte d’Ivoire have<br />
accepted the great numbers of refugees fleeing Côte<br />
d’Ivoire. Liberia specifically is hosting the greatest<br />
numbers of Ivorian refugees outside Côte d’Ivoire; large<br />
numbers of displaced persons are also seeking shelter<br />
in Ghana, Mali, and Burkina Faso. These neighboring<br />
West African countries have played a large role in the<br />
developments in Côte d’Ivoire. Burkina Faso was reported<br />
to have supplied rebel troops with weapons during the<br />
Ivorian civil war. Large numbers of Burkinabes from the<br />
28 Economic and Social Council Specialized & Regional Agencies Bodies
country immigrated into Côte d’Ivoire within the last<br />
decade; these immigrant groups have been targeted <strong>for</strong><br />
acts of discrimination and violence by native Ivorians <strong>for</strong><br />
years 73 . The election of Alassane Ouattara to the Ivorian<br />
presidency was generally supported by all neighboring<br />
West African countries.<br />
The maintenance of refugee camps within the<br />
neighboring countries has placed a significant strain on<br />
the resources of these countries. Moreover, the targeting<br />
of refugee camps by dissident <strong>for</strong>ces during the height<br />
of the conflict has led many of these countries to declare<br />
national security crises with respect to their roles in the<br />
Ivorian crises 74 . The president of Liberia openly decried<br />
the loss of stability experienced by Liberia and the West<br />
African region as a whole as a result of their hosting of<br />
refugees 75 .<br />
In general, the countries neighboring Côte d’Ivoire<br />
are continuing to accept the numbers of refugees. Many<br />
of these countries had themselves sent refugees to Côte<br />
d’Ivoire during tumultuous periods of their history 76 .<br />
However, the proposal of integrating the refugees into<br />
their host societies may cause great tension within these<br />
countries due to their effects on local resources and the<br />
indeterminate nature of the asylum period.<br />
SUPPORTERS OF THE MILITARY<br />
INTERVENTION OF CÔTE D’IVOIRE<br />
Countries all over the world were generally united<br />
in condemning the administration of Laurent Gbagbo<br />
during his refusal to relinquish power after the 2010<br />
democratic elections. Many have also stood firm in the<br />
condemnation of widespread human rights abuses within<br />
Côte d’Ivoire, especially the use of <strong>for</strong>ce against civilians,<br />
villages, and businesses.<br />
A large number of these countries sent troops to Côte<br />
d’Ivoire under the <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> <strong>UN</strong>OCI mandate.<br />
France, most notably, has had a significant presence in<br />
Côte d’Ivoire throughout the decades of civil war. Its<br />
involvement stems from its position as the <strong>for</strong>mer ruling<br />
colonial power in Côte d’Ivoire. The assistance of French<br />
troops facilitated the April 2011 capture of Laurent<br />
Gbagbo, the maintenance of the “zone of confidence”<br />
in the middle of the country, and the end of fighting<br />
in the First and Second Ivorian Civil Wars. French and<br />
American troops also aided in the evacuation of <strong>for</strong>eign<br />
nationals from Côte d’Ivoire during the conflict. The<br />
<strong>United</strong> States gave limited economic and military aid<br />
during the conflict. Currently, representatives from<br />
<strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
France and other Western power nations are still present<br />
within the country 77 .<br />
Following the issues with the 2010 Ivorian democratic<br />
elections, France has suggested playing a larger role in the<br />
overseeing of the upcoming 2011 elections. With regards<br />
to the Ivorian refugee situation, many of these countries<br />
are willing to moderately increase their economic<br />
assistance to the country through <strong>UN</strong> programs and<br />
other international bodies. The hosting of refugees has<br />
been deemed less feasible by many of these governments,<br />
which have severely restricted asylum and immigration<br />
policies due to recent increases in the number of asylumseekers<br />
worldwide 78 .<br />
OPPONENTS OF THE MILITARY<br />
INTERVENTION OF CÔTE D’IVOIRE<br />
Many countries throughout the world, though<br />
supportive of the spirit of the rebellions in Côte d’Ivoire,<br />
have expressed their condemnation toward the military<br />
use of <strong>for</strong>ce by <strong>for</strong>eign nations in the Ivorian conflicts.<br />
There were multiple demonstrations in countries such as<br />
Canada and Ireland against France’s military intervention<br />
in Côte d’Ivoire, which were believed to have been limiting<br />
the opportunities <strong>for</strong> needed humanitarian assistance 79 .<br />
Some of these countries directly argue that the increased<br />
involvement of <strong>for</strong>eign nations is undermining the ef<strong>for</strong>ts<br />
of the African Union, ECOWAS, and other regional<br />
bodies 80 . To a good extent, these countries are willing<br />
to support humanitarian ef<strong>for</strong>ts in the region to target<br />
the refugee crisis; however, they remain resolute in their<br />
affirmations of the negative ramifications of the use of<br />
<strong>for</strong>ce by <strong>for</strong>eign nations in the crises.<br />
SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH<br />
To familiarize yourself with the basic outlines, events,<br />
and issues related to the Ivorian conflict and refugee<br />
situations, I would recommend starting out with a basic<br />
search of the Ivorian political situation on Google and<br />
Wikipedia. These sources will provide good background<br />
of the conflicts overall, but be sure to delve further into<br />
issues related to the history, economy, and political<br />
landscape of Côte d’Ivoire using readily available journals,<br />
newspapers, books, and other sources.<br />
The <strong>UN</strong>HCR has extensively tracked the numbers<br />
of Ivorian refugees both within the country and in<br />
neighboring nations. I would suggest downloading<br />
the Côte d’Ivoire Emergency Humanitarian Action<br />
Plan 2011 and reading up on the stated goals and<br />
objectives of the <strong>UN</strong> in response to the Ivorian refugee<br />
Economic and Social Council & Regional Bodies<br />
29
<strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
crisis. <strong>UN</strong> websites such as http://www.irinnews.org/<br />
country.aspx?Country=CI also contain vast amounts<br />
of in<strong>for</strong>mation on recent and historic developments in<br />
Côte d’Ivoire. The World Health Organization, Amnesty<br />
International, and the International Monetary Fund are<br />
good sources to obtain reasonably objective summaries<br />
of the human rights issues and conditions in refugee<br />
camps within the region. It would also be helpful to<br />
look to the reports of other regional and international<br />
organizations such as the AU, EU, and ECOWAS <strong>for</strong><br />
their reports and recommended actions relating to the<br />
Ivorian refugee crises.<br />
The involvement of numerous <strong>for</strong>eign nations and<br />
agencies has been well reported by numerous government<br />
departments, including the U.S. Department of State.<br />
Look into these sources to discover the stances and<br />
justifications <strong>for</strong> action or inaction of numerous <strong>for</strong>eign<br />
states in the conflict. Also look to articles, graphics, and<br />
editorials in such newspapers at The New York Times,<br />
the UK Guardian, and the Washington Post <strong>for</strong> up-todate<br />
reports of the events and developments in the crisis.<br />
BBC News, the Christian Science Monitor, and regional<br />
African news sources are also useful in their assessment of<br />
recent events. International newspapers from countries<br />
such as France also provide detailed accounts of the roles<br />
of specific countries in the conflicts; the translations of<br />
many of these newspapers can usually be found online.<br />
Journals such as the Economist also serve as a good<br />
resource <strong>for</strong> analyses of the economic, political, and<br />
social implications of different events and developments<br />
in the region as well as stocks of proposed solutions given<br />
by professional figures on the matters.<br />
Make sure to consider all sides of the relevant issues<br />
as thoroughly as possible. For instance, the claims and<br />
grievance of both Ouattara supporters and those loyal to<br />
Laurent Gbagbo during the recent presidential conflict<br />
should be analyzed to obtain a complete picture of<br />
events. Though it is of extreme importance to look into<br />
first-hand accounts from refugees and speeches from<br />
rebel leaders or government officials in your research<br />
of the conflict, take note of the emotional appeals and<br />
subjectivity in many of these counts. Overall, be creative<br />
in your research; take advantage of the wide range of<br />
sources available to you concerning many of these issues!<br />
POSITION PAPER REQUIREMENTS<br />
Position papers are a crucial part of any <strong>Model</strong><br />
<strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> committee, as they serve two very<br />
important purposes. Firstly, writing the position paper<br />
is very helpful <strong>for</strong> delegates as it will promote your<br />
understanding of the main policies of the country that<br />
you are representing; including where your country<br />
stands on the issue, what actions it has taken in the past;<br />
and what it hopes to achieve at our upcoming conference.<br />
Secondly, the position papers that are written by each<br />
delegation can prove to be very helpful <strong>for</strong> other delegates<br />
as well. For instance, groups of countries may exchange<br />
position papers to find out more about the specific<br />
details of different countries’ policies in the early sessions<br />
when lobbying and negotiations are still in their nascent<br />
stages. The end goal of the position paper is to improve<br />
delegates’ understanding of the topics being discussed,<br />
and ultimately to promote better debate in committee.<br />
You should take care in writing these position papers,<br />
making sure that they are clear and concise, and that they<br />
include the necessary in<strong>for</strong>mation stipulated below.<br />
Position papers should include a header with (i)<br />
your full name/s, (ii) the topic area of the position<br />
paper, (iii) the country that you are representing, and<br />
(iv) the high school you are from. They should be singlespaced,<br />
in Times New Roman size 12 font, and should<br />
generally be organized into three main parts. The first<br />
part should include a statement of the problem and what<br />
your country sees as the most important aspects of the<br />
topic. You should demonstrate how the problem relates<br />
specifically to your country and why it is something that<br />
you are hoping to talk about. The second part should<br />
describe your country’s policies on the issue and what<br />
action it has taken in the past, and the third part should<br />
delineate potential solutions to the problem that your<br />
country would support. In certain cases, it is possible<br />
that you may not be able to find specific in<strong>for</strong>mation<br />
regarding what future solutions your country would<br />
support. If this is the case, the best approach would be to<br />
research the broader policies of your country and try to<br />
think of solutions on your own that you determine to be<br />
relevant. To be clear, you are expected to write a position<br />
paper <strong>for</strong> each of the two topics being debated in your<br />
committee; that is to say, you must prepare roughly two<br />
single-spaced pages in total.<br />
If you have any questions or concerns as you prepare<br />
these feel free to email me at unhcr@harvardmun.org<br />
and I will do my very best to help you! You might also<br />
consider speaking to your school’s M<strong>UN</strong> Faculty Adviser<br />
if you have one, or a more experienced student at your<br />
school who can mentor you. Your position paper is a<br />
critical first step in per<strong>for</strong>ming well in committee. Take<br />
30 Economic and Social Council Specialized & Regional Agencies Bodies
<strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
this task seriously as it will help you tremendously down<br />
the road. Good luck!<br />
CLOSING REMARKS<br />
Hopefully, you will all leave this conference with a<br />
profound sense of accomplishment, many new friends<br />
and contacts, and a much greater understanding of the<br />
refugee situations and crises facing millions worldwide.<br />
HM<strong>UN</strong> is truly a <strong>for</strong>um <strong>for</strong> ideas- I encourage all of<br />
you to make yours heard throughout the entire process.<br />
Actively participate in committee discussions, debates,<br />
and draft resolutions. Don’t be afraid to respectfully<br />
challenge certain ideas and assumptions. Moreover, make<br />
sure to take advantage of all of your resources be<strong>for</strong>e and<br />
during the conference. Familiarize yourselves with the<br />
study guide and put time into your position papers. The<br />
crises on which we will be focusing are extremely dynamic<br />
in nature, so be cognizant of recent events related to<br />
each issue and analyze the effectiveness of relevant<br />
international policies and guidelines. Above all, come<br />
to <strong>UN</strong>HCR with an open mind! Convince others and<br />
allow yourselves to be surprised. You should be prepared<br />
to compromise and negotiate while championing the<br />
individual interests you each represent. Don’t hesitate to<br />
contact me with any questions - I am just an email away.<br />
Enjoy your preparations!<br />
ENDNOTES<br />
TOPIC A<br />
1 “History of <strong>UN</strong>HCR.” <strong>UN</strong>HCR. Web. 1 Oct. 2011. .<br />
2 Ibid.<br />
3 Ibid.<br />
4 “<strong>UN</strong>HCR Marks 60th Anniversary of Refugee Convention.” <strong>UN</strong>HCR. Web. 17 Sept. 2011. .<br />
6 Alterman, Jon B. “The Revolution Will Not Be Tweeted.” The Washington Quarterly 34.4 (2011). Print.<br />
7 “The Arab Uprisings: Democracy’s Hard Spring.” The Economist - World News, Politics, Economics,<br />
Business & Finance. Web. 14 Sept. 2011.<br />
8 “The Middle East and the West, A Troubled History.” NPR. Web. 23 Sept. 2011. .<br />
12 “Iraq.” <strong>Refugees</strong> International. Web. 1 Oct. 2011. .<br />
13 Ryan, Yasmine. “How Tunisia’s Revolution Began.” AJE - Al Jazeera English. Web. 16 Sept. 2011.<br />
14 Ibid.<br />
15 Masoud, Tarek. “Liberty, Democracy, and Discord in Egypt.” The Washington Quarterly 34.4 (2011). Print.<br />
16 Ibid.<br />
17 Randiree, Bilal. “Inside the ‘Arab Spring’” AJE - Al Jazeera English. Web. 16 Sept. 2011. .<br />
19 Freeland, Chrystia. “Lessons From Central Europe <strong>for</strong> the Arab Spring.” The New York Times. Web. 15 Sept.<br />
2011. .<br />
20 Ryan, Yasmine. “How Tunisia’s Revolution Began.” AJE - Al Jazeera English. Web. 16 Sept. 2011.<br />
21 Randiree, Bilal. “Inside the ‘Arab Spring’” AJE - Al Jazeera English. Web. 16 Sept. 2011.
<strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
65 <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong>. Office of the <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> Human Rights. Côte d’Ivoire Emergency<br />
Humanitarian Action Plan 2011. Print.<br />
66 Ibid.<br />
67 Ibid.<br />
68 “Côte d’Ivoire: Both Sides Responsible <strong>for</strong> War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity.” Amnesty International.<br />
25 May 2011. Web. 26 Sept. 2011. .<br />
69 McClanahan, Paige. “Liberians, Once <strong>Refugees</strong> Themselves, Aid Those Fleeing Ivory Coast - CSMonitor.<br />
com.” The Christian Science Monitor. 20 Jan. 2011. Web. 01 Oct. 2011. .<br />
70 Ibid.<br />
71 McClanahan, Paige. “Aid Workers Rush to Help Ivory Coast <strong>Refugees</strong> Flooding into Liberia - CSMonitor.<br />
com.” The Christian Science Monitor. 11 Jan. 2011. Web. 01 Oct. 2011. .<br />
72 Ibid.<br />
73 “Côte d’Ivoire and Liberia: Fear of Contagion.” The Economist. 6 Jan. 2011. Web. 02 Oct. 2011. .<br />
74 “<strong>Refugees</strong> Tell of Ivory Coast Violence after Fleeing to Liberia.” Dir. Tamasin Ford and Rachel Stevenson.<br />
The Guardian, 8 Apr. 2011. Web. 1 Oct. 2011. .<br />
75 Ibid.<br />
76 Ibid.<br />
77 Dufka, Corinne. “The Case <strong>for</strong> Intervention in the Ivory Coast.” Human Rights Watch. 25 Mar. 2011. Web.<br />
04 Oct. 2011. .<br />
78 Ibid.<br />
79 “Côte d’Ivoire: Finding Peace after Power Shift.” IRIN. <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong>, 18 Aug. 2011. Web. 25 Aug. 2011.<br />
.<br />
80 Ibid.<br />
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BIBLIOGRAPHIC ESSAY<br />
“2000 Ivoirian Constitution.” Embassy of the <strong>United</strong> States Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire. Web. 01 Oct. 2011.
<strong>UN</strong> <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Refugees</strong><br />
Dufka, Corinne. “The Case <strong>for</strong> Intervention in the Ivory Coast.” Human Rights Watch. 25 Mar. 2011. Web. 04<br />
Oct. 2011. .<br />
Ford, Liz. “Britain Announces Emergency Aid <strong>for</strong> Ivory Coast <strong>Refugees</strong>.” The Guardian. 28 Mar. 2011. Web.<br />
24 Sept. 2011. .<br />
Foulkes, Imogen. “Ivory Coast: <strong>UN</strong> Warns of Forgotten Humanitarian Crisis.” BBC News [Geneva] 22 Mar.<br />
2011. Print.<br />
Freeland, Chrystia. “Lessons From Central Europe <strong>for</strong> the Arab Spring.” The New York Times. Web. 15 Sept.<br />
2011. .<br />
“History of <strong>UN</strong>HCR.” <strong>UN</strong>HCR. Web. 1 Oct. 2011. .<br />
“Hundreds of Lives Lost in Ivory Coast amidst Slow International Response.” Human Rights Watch. 25 Mar.<br />
2011. Web. 02 Oct. 2011. .<br />
“Iraq.” <strong>Refugees</strong> International. Web. 1 Oct. 2011. .<br />
Khalidi, Rashid. “The Arab Spring.” The Nation. Web. 15 Sept. 2011. .<br />
Masoud, Tarek. “Liberty, Democracy, and Discord in Egypt.” The Washington Quarterly 34.4 (2011). Print.<br />
McClanahan, Paige. “Aid Workers Rush to Help Ivory Coast <strong>Refugees</strong> Flooding into Liberia - CSMonitor.com.” The<br />
Christian Science Monitor. 11 Jan. 2011. Web. 01 Oct. 2011. .<br />
McClanahan, Paige. “Liberians, Once <strong>Refugees</strong> Themselves, Aid Those Fleeing Ivory Coast - CSMonitor.com.” The<br />
Christian Science Monitor. 20 Jan. 2011. Web. 01 Oct. 2011. .<br />
“The Middle East and the West, A Troubled History.” NPR. Web. 23 Sept. 2011. .<br />
Nasr, Vali. “If the Arab Spring Turns Ugly.” The New York Times. 27 Aug. 2011. Web. 15 Sept. 2011. .<br />
Nossiter, Adam. “Election Results Challenged in Ivory Coast.” New York Times 2 Dec. 2010. Print.<br />
Nossiter, Adam. “Political Crisis in Ivory Coast Cripples a City.” New York Times 1 Mar. 2011. Print.<br />
Peck, Tom. “Arab Spring <strong>Refugees</strong> Not Welcome Here, Says William Hague.” The Independent. 23 May 2011.<br />
Web. 1 Oct. 2011. .<br />
34 Economic and Social Council Specialized & Regional Agencies Bodies
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Randiree, Bilal. “Inside the ‘Arab Spring’” AJE - Al Jazeera English. Web. 16 Sept. 2011. .<br />
“<strong>Refugees</strong> from Political Crisis Could Surpass 100,000, <strong>UN</strong> Says.” France 24, 2 Jan. 2011. Web. 2 Oct. 2011.<br />
.<br />
“<strong>Refugees</strong> Tell of Ivory Coast Violence after Fleeing to Liberia.” Dir. Tamasin Ford and Rachel Stevenson. The<br />
Guardian, 8 Apr. 2011. Web. 1 Oct. 2011. .<br />
Rubin, Neville. “Africa and <strong>Refugees</strong>.” African Affairs 73.292 (1974): 290-311. Print.<br />
Ryan, Yasmine. “How Tunisia’s Revolution Began.” AJE - Al Jazeera English. Web. 16 Sept. 2011. .<br />
Ulack, Chris. “The Arab Spring’s Looming Refugee Crisis by Chris Ulack | The Middle East Channel.” The Middle<br />
East Channel | FOREIGN POLICY. Web. 10 Sept. 2011. .<br />
<strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong>. Office of the <strong>High</strong> <strong>Commissioner</strong> <strong>for</strong> Human Rights. Côte d’Ivoire Emergency Humanitarian<br />
Action Plan 2011. Print.<br />
“<strong>UN</strong>HCR Marks 60th Anniversary of Refugee Convention.” <strong>UN</strong>HCR. Web. 17 Sept. 2011. .<br />
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