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26 QUANTIFICATION OF BENEFITS FROM ECONOMIC COOPERATION IN SOUTH ASIA<br />
Baysan and Panagriya (2006) examine the economic<br />
case for SAFTA. They study SAFTA in the light of<br />
the preferential trading arrangements in the region,<br />
particularly ISFTA, in order to draw lessons. Subsequently<br />
they examine the qualitative and quantitative<br />
arguments to assess the feasibility of SAFTA. The results<br />
are mostly pessimistic. The following qualitative<br />
arguments fail to provide a strong case in favour of<br />
SAFTA. Firstly, the economies are relatively small as<br />
compared to the rest of the world both in terms of GDP<br />
and trade flows. The economic size of the region<br />
remains small: less than one-twentieth of the world in<br />
terms of GDP. If we exclude India, this figure drops to<br />
0.4%. Consequently, the probability that the most<br />
efficient suppliers of the member countries are within<br />
the region is slim. Hence an FTA is likely to be largely<br />
trade diverting.<br />
Secondly, the level of protection amongst SAARC<br />
countries is very high with the exception of Sri Lanka.<br />
If a country participating in a regional arrangement<br />
were not open they are likely to suffer from welfare<br />
losses due to trade diversion. The third reason which<br />
makes the economic case for SAFTA weak is political<br />
economy of selection of the excluded sectors and rules<br />
of origin (ROO) issue. This leads to inefficient selection<br />
as domestic lobbies make sure that the sectors that do<br />
not withstand competition are excluded from tariff<br />
preferences and lobbies go along free trade in sectors<br />
in which they are competitive. A similar pattern is<br />
observed in case of ROO. A common argument advanced<br />
in favour of SAFTA is that there is substantial informal<br />
trade between countries. There are three arguments<br />
relating to this issue. First, if the real costs associated<br />
with informal trade are higher, benefits of such cost<br />
saving need to be weighed against cost of trade diversion.<br />
Second, an FTA might make formal trade even<br />
more expensive than informal trade by adding to the<br />
costs of complying with the ROO. Third, all the<br />
informal trade between India and Pakistan may not be<br />
due to restrictions that preclude trade at the MFN terms<br />
and a part of it may try to evade even the MFN tariff.<br />
Apart from the theoretical arguments, quantitative<br />
studies that have estimated the impact of SAFTA have<br />
used mainly three types of models, that are either gravity<br />
models; or general equilibrium models; or partial<br />
equilibrium models. The studies employing gravity<br />
models predict that the impact of a South Asian FTA<br />
will be small for India and much larger on the smaller<br />
countries. Second, amongst studies using CGE models<br />
to SAFTA, there are two important studies, Pigato et<br />
al. (1997) and Shakur and Rae (2005). Pigato et al.<br />
find that the unilateral trade liberalisation yields larger<br />
gains than SAFTA. Shakur and Rae find that SAFTA<br />
leads to a 0.21% gain in real income in India, 0.03%<br />
gain for Srilanka and a loss of 0.10% for Bangladesh.<br />
The largest gain of 0.21% is too low and the authors<br />
conclude that the South Asian countries will gain much<br />
more from unilateral/multilateral liberalisation.<br />
The third types of studies have employed partial<br />
equilibrium models. Govindan (1994) concludes that<br />
liberalisation would yield welfare gains through<br />
increased trade within the region. Derosa and Govindan<br />
(1996) further demonstrate that the gains are much<br />
larger when liberalisation is on a non-discriminatory<br />
basis. Given, the pessimistic economic assessment the<br />
study indicates that the move toward SAFTA gained<br />
momentum due to political reasons such as with the<br />
entire world moving ahead with more and more PTAs,<br />
there is an element of following a trend around the<br />
world. Also, SAFTA is seen as a vehicle for promoting<br />
political ties between India and Pakistan. The case of<br />
India and Pakistan is often compared to France and<br />
Germany but the differences in the two situations raise<br />
serious doubts about the validity of the argument.<br />
On the whole, it can be said that the pessimism<br />
with respect to gains from SAFTA arises mainly because<br />
of lack of economic conditions for success of RTA,<br />
which are trade complementarities and differences in<br />
competitiveness of the countries. Empirical literature<br />
suggests that the existence of complementarities is<br />
needed to enhance the probability of a regional trade<br />
arrangement to be net trade-creating, rather than net<br />
trade-diverting. The statistical measures such as the<br />
complementarity index argue that the higher the<br />
observed values of the index between partners, the more<br />
likely is it that a proposed regional trade agreement<br />
will succeed (Michaely 1996). Indices of trade complementarity<br />
developed by Drysdale (1969) have been used<br />
by Kemal et al. (2000) to estimate the complementarity<br />
indices for all five leading South Asian countries using<br />
time series trade data. It was found that there is a lack<br />
of strong trade complementarity in the bilateral trade<br />
structures of South Asia. Lack of trade complementarities<br />
raises the questions on the future prospects of SAFTA.<br />
To identify different countries’ competitiveness<br />
among different commodity groups, the export revealed<br />
comparative advantage (XRCA) indices have been<br />
estimated by some studies at the three-digit level<br />
(Samaratunga 1999 and Kemal et al. 2000), which<br />
show that the comparative advantage countries in South<br />
Asia have an almost identical pattern of comparative<br />
advantage in a relatively narrow band of commodities.