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I NTRODUCTION 5<br />

in SAARC using BCA. Volume II, Chapter 10 provides<br />

an overview of trade in services in SAFTA region. Five<br />

service sectors have been identified as having export<br />

potential within SAFTA. These are construction and<br />

related services (chapter 11), tourism and travel related<br />

services (chapter 12), higher education services (chapter<br />

13), health and related services (chapter 14) and<br />

telecommunication services (chapter 15). A detailed<br />

analysis of each sector is undertaken and possibilities<br />

of areas for MRAs have been identified and presented.<br />

Chapter 16 discusses cross-cutting issues and concludes<br />

the study. Finally, chapter 17 provides the way forward<br />

in terms of policy directions.<br />

THE BACKGROUND<br />

Established in 1985, SAARC is a group of seven<br />

countries, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal,<br />

Pakistan and Sri Lanka. Subsequently, Afghanistan<br />

became a member of SAARC. SAARC’s activities were<br />

initially confined to nine areas of regional cooperation<br />

and economic cooperation was deliberately kept outside<br />

its purview. In the early 1990s, there was a surge in<br />

regional arrangements. The experience of the growth<br />

and consolidation of various regional blocks brought<br />

to fore the realisation that core economic areas need to<br />

be brought within the scope of SAARC activities if the<br />

objective of bringing about accelerated social and<br />

economic development in the region through mutual<br />

cooperation was to materialise. The sixth summit at<br />

Colombo in 1991 declared commitment to initiate<br />

cooperation in economic areas initially in trade and<br />

agreed to formulate an agreement on an institutional<br />

framework for trade liberalisation among themselves.<br />

Recognising its great economic strength in terms of its<br />

market potential, rich natural resources and capable<br />

human resources, and the possibility of enhanced intraregional<br />

trade and investment flows, a trade blocks<br />

among SAARC members was formed with the signing<br />

of SAPTA during the Seventh Summit held in Dhaka in<br />

April 1993. The Agreement reflected the desire of the<br />

member States to promote and sustain mutual trade<br />

and economic cooperation within the SAARC region<br />

through the exchange of concessions. SAPTA made a<br />

distinction between the least developed and other<br />

developing member countries with the former consisting<br />

of Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives and Nepal and<br />

the latter consisting of India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka.<br />

Being a preferential trade agreement, the negotiations<br />

for SAPTA during each round were held on the<br />

basis of ‘request and offer’ approach; where the<br />

exporting party came up with a ‘country-specific’<br />

request list of its exportable (real as well as potential)<br />

items on which it would seek preferential market access.<br />

The other party would then make an offer on items<br />

from ‘request-list’ and indicate the extent of tariff<br />

concessions in terms of margin of preference (MoP). In<br />

each round the coverage of products under tariff<br />

concessions were expanded and the MoP on products<br />

under concessions were also increased. At the end of<br />

each round, these offers were multilateralised to all<br />

SAARC members which thereby expanded the items<br />

on which concessions were offered by each member.<br />

The LDC members got concessions on a large number<br />

of products with deeper MoP, without reciprocating<br />

with equivalent concession to other developing<br />

countries under the special and differential treatment<br />

(S&DT) provision of SAPTA. In four rounds of negotiations<br />

that were held under SAPTA, tariff concessions<br />

on around 5000 products at 6-digit HS level were<br />

exchanged. It has been found that though a number of<br />

products exported by LDCs were limited, tariff concessions<br />

were made available to them on a wide range of<br />

products. The opportunity to expand the basket of<br />

products for exports to SAARC member countries<br />

(SMC) was not fully utilised. Some attribute this to the<br />

non-tariff barriers (NTBs) imposed by other members;<br />

the supply-side constraints of LDCs; and the lack of<br />

intra-regional investment flows and the absence of<br />

backward-forward linkages amongst the industries.<br />

SAPTA was initially viewed as an instrument that<br />

could transform the South Asian trade landscape<br />

through a greater regional integration. This optimism<br />

began to wane with the slow progress of SAPTA under<br />

the four rounds of trade negotiations, as it did not<br />

increase the volume of intra-regional trade and investment<br />

flows. This was mainly because of the limited<br />

tariff preferences extended to a country’s trading<br />

interest, limited depth in tariff cuts, and prevalence of<br />

NTBs. Contrary to general belief, the rules of origin of<br />

SAPTA were much more liberal as compared to other<br />

PTAs as a product would be considered as originating<br />

from a country if it generated a local value added content<br />

of 40% (30% for LDCs). This also included profit<br />

made not only by the manufacturers but also by the<br />

traders. The non-qualifying/minimal operations were<br />

confined to packaging and transportation operations<br />

only. For SAFTA to be successful, therefore, several<br />

lessons from SAPTA need to be learnt so that the pitfalls<br />

are not repeated.

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