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P ROSPECTS FOR THE TELECOMMUNICATION SECTOR UNDER SAFTA 179<br />
liberal partly because there is less need to protect<br />
incumbent operators with state ownership. While<br />
competition may have always existed for mobile<br />
telephony, other restrictive policies and regulatory<br />
shortcomings adversely affected mobile performance.<br />
For example, high import taxes on handsets in India<br />
and Pakistan slowed consumer adoption of cellular<br />
technology in the initial years. High interconnection<br />
prices with the fixed-line network negatively affected<br />
mobile operators. For example, in Bangladesh, the<br />
incumbent’s lack of responsiveness with regard to<br />
interconnection led to the operation of a mobile<br />
network independently of the fixed-line network. When<br />
the adverse policy was removed, it was accompanied<br />
by massive growth.<br />
What emerges therefore in the sector is a picture of<br />
competition having being ‘managed’ across most<br />
countries of SAFTA. While the traditional public<br />
monopoly is becoming a rarity, most governments seem<br />
reluctant to forego discretionary policy-making and<br />
delegate choices completely to the market. 13 Thus,<br />
governments have been unwilling to allow unrestricted<br />
entry, and in most cases there are limits to the extent of<br />
private and foreign ownership. In India, foreign<br />
ownership ceiling was increased from 49% to 74% after<br />
protracted lobbying and debate that stretched well over<br />
three years. In Sri Lanka the committed ceiling on<br />
foreign equity is 40%, despite the fact that foreign<br />
equity has brought in recognised benefits to the sector.<br />
In Pakistan, although 100% foreign equity is<br />
permissible, approval is done on a case by case basis<br />
and virtually no competition has emerged in the access<br />
sector.<br />
There is also a high degree of variability in the<br />
acceptance of regulatory principles, adherence to which<br />
is crucial for engendering competition in the sector.<br />
While Nepal and Sri Lanka have endorsed the RP on<br />
regulatory principles, Pakistan and India are reviewing<br />
their commitment in this respect. Perhaps the most<br />
important disciplines of the reference paper relate to<br />
interconnection. It is required that interconnection must<br />
be inter alia on non-discriminatory, transparent and<br />
reasonable terms, conditions (including technical<br />
standards and specifications) and rates; of a quality no<br />
less favourable than that provided for its own like<br />
services or for like services of non-affiliated service<br />
suppliers or for its subsidiaries or other affiliates; at<br />
cost-oriented rates; and in a timely fashion. Other<br />
reference paper provisions provide for competition<br />
safeguards, greater transparency and require the creation<br />
of dispute resolution mechanisms. Competition<br />
safeguards oblige Members to prevent a major supplier<br />
from abusing control over information, or engaging in<br />
anti-competitive cross-subsidisation – i.e. to prevent a<br />
major supplier from using profits made in one segment<br />
of the market to subsidise its output sales in another<br />
segment and thus drive out rival suppliers.<br />
The approach of SAFTA countries to the principles<br />
in the Reference Paper reveals an interesting pattern of<br />
reluctance to assume key multilateral disciplines That<br />
independent regulators are not yet established in many<br />
countries reflects an unwillingness to guarantee the<br />
independent action by regulators in countries such as<br />
India, Maldives, Bhutan and Bangladesh. Furthermore,<br />
a number of countries (India, Pakistan, Bangladesh)<br />
have excluded the central commitment to guarantee<br />
interconnection at cost-based rates. These departures<br />
reveal that where there is domestic resistance, adoption<br />
of multilateral disciplines may not be sufficient to create<br />
enabling conditions for sector reform. In this situation,<br />
the motivation has to be developed around the potential<br />
benefits of unilateral liberalisation.<br />
Economic theory has us believe that trade liberalisation<br />
is good, and that even unilateral liberalisation<br />
under certain conditions can be good. The actual<br />
changes to policy pursued by SAFTA countries with<br />
regard to telecom services support this view. In the past<br />
5–10 years, governments have acted unilaterally to<br />
reduce entry barriers, increase competition and reduce<br />
termination rates. Yet, more barriers exist that need to<br />
be dealt with to fully exploit the potential of<br />
telecommunications liberalisation.<br />
SAFTA offers significant investment opportunities<br />
in Telecom. As Table 15.9 shows, while mobile teledensity<br />
has surpassed fixed and is in the range of 20–30%<br />
(excluding Maldives), it is still below the industrialised<br />
world average. SAFTA is home to 24% of the Worlds<br />
population but contributes only 2% to World GDP. In<br />
terms of sectoral contribution to GDP, telecommunication<br />
revenue in SAFTA countries is also below the<br />
world average of 3.1% (ITU 2003). Finally the growth<br />
of the knowledge-based sector is directly dependent on<br />
the speed of development of telecom network. Hence,<br />
countries needs investment in this key infrastructure<br />
sector.<br />
It has been demonstrated that foreign equity is<br />
important for the growth of the telecommunication<br />
sector since it leads to better incentives for technology<br />
13<br />
Ibid.