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P ROSPECTS FOR THE TELECOMMUNICATION SECTOR UNDER SAFTA 179<br />

liberal partly because there is less need to protect<br />

incumbent operators with state ownership. While<br />

competition may have always existed for mobile<br />

telephony, other restrictive policies and regulatory<br />

shortcomings adversely affected mobile performance.<br />

For example, high import taxes on handsets in India<br />

and Pakistan slowed consumer adoption of cellular<br />

technology in the initial years. High interconnection<br />

prices with the fixed-line network negatively affected<br />

mobile operators. For example, in Bangladesh, the<br />

incumbent’s lack of responsiveness with regard to<br />

interconnection led to the operation of a mobile<br />

network independently of the fixed-line network. When<br />

the adverse policy was removed, it was accompanied<br />

by massive growth.<br />

What emerges therefore in the sector is a picture of<br />

competition having being ‘managed’ across most<br />

countries of SAFTA. While the traditional public<br />

monopoly is becoming a rarity, most governments seem<br />

reluctant to forego discretionary policy-making and<br />

delegate choices completely to the market. 13 Thus,<br />

governments have been unwilling to allow unrestricted<br />

entry, and in most cases there are limits to the extent of<br />

private and foreign ownership. In India, foreign<br />

ownership ceiling was increased from 49% to 74% after<br />

protracted lobbying and debate that stretched well over<br />

three years. In Sri Lanka the committed ceiling on<br />

foreign equity is 40%, despite the fact that foreign<br />

equity has brought in recognised benefits to the sector.<br />

In Pakistan, although 100% foreign equity is<br />

permissible, approval is done on a case by case basis<br />

and virtually no competition has emerged in the access<br />

sector.<br />

There is also a high degree of variability in the<br />

acceptance of regulatory principles, adherence to which<br />

is crucial for engendering competition in the sector.<br />

While Nepal and Sri Lanka have endorsed the RP on<br />

regulatory principles, Pakistan and India are reviewing<br />

their commitment in this respect. Perhaps the most<br />

important disciplines of the reference paper relate to<br />

interconnection. It is required that interconnection must<br />

be inter alia on non-discriminatory, transparent and<br />

reasonable terms, conditions (including technical<br />

standards and specifications) and rates; of a quality no<br />

less favourable than that provided for its own like<br />

services or for like services of non-affiliated service<br />

suppliers or for its subsidiaries or other affiliates; at<br />

cost-oriented rates; and in a timely fashion. Other<br />

reference paper provisions provide for competition<br />

safeguards, greater transparency and require the creation<br />

of dispute resolution mechanisms. Competition<br />

safeguards oblige Members to prevent a major supplier<br />

from abusing control over information, or engaging in<br />

anti-competitive cross-subsidisation – i.e. to prevent a<br />

major supplier from using profits made in one segment<br />

of the market to subsidise its output sales in another<br />

segment and thus drive out rival suppliers.<br />

The approach of SAFTA countries to the principles<br />

in the Reference Paper reveals an interesting pattern of<br />

reluctance to assume key multilateral disciplines That<br />

independent regulators are not yet established in many<br />

countries reflects an unwillingness to guarantee the<br />

independent action by regulators in countries such as<br />

India, Maldives, Bhutan and Bangladesh. Furthermore,<br />

a number of countries (India, Pakistan, Bangladesh)<br />

have excluded the central commitment to guarantee<br />

interconnection at cost-based rates. These departures<br />

reveal that where there is domestic resistance, adoption<br />

of multilateral disciplines may not be sufficient to create<br />

enabling conditions for sector reform. In this situation,<br />

the motivation has to be developed around the potential<br />

benefits of unilateral liberalisation.<br />

Economic theory has us believe that trade liberalisation<br />

is good, and that even unilateral liberalisation<br />

under certain conditions can be good. The actual<br />

changes to policy pursued by SAFTA countries with<br />

regard to telecom services support this view. In the past<br />

5–10 years, governments have acted unilaterally to<br />

reduce entry barriers, increase competition and reduce<br />

termination rates. Yet, more barriers exist that need to<br />

be dealt with to fully exploit the potential of<br />

telecommunications liberalisation.<br />

SAFTA offers significant investment opportunities<br />

in Telecom. As Table 15.9 shows, while mobile teledensity<br />

has surpassed fixed and is in the range of 20–30%<br />

(excluding Maldives), it is still below the industrialised<br />

world average. SAFTA is home to 24% of the Worlds<br />

population but contributes only 2% to World GDP. In<br />

terms of sectoral contribution to GDP, telecommunication<br />

revenue in SAFTA countries is also below the<br />

world average of 3.1% (ITU 2003). Finally the growth<br />

of the knowledge-based sector is directly dependent on<br />

the speed of development of telecom network. Hence,<br />

countries needs investment in this key infrastructure<br />

sector.<br />

It has been demonstrated that foreign equity is<br />

important for the growth of the telecommunication<br />

sector since it leads to better incentives for technology<br />

13<br />

Ibid.

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