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NEWSPAPER OF THE JOHN BROWN ANTI-KLAN C O M A W F R<br />

P.O. Box 406 Peter Stuyvesant Station, New York, N.Y. 10009 JULY/AUGUST 1983 No. 2<br />

In spite of adl this violent intimidation on the<br />

part of the state, over 300 people entered the<br />

area. 1BAKC, INCAR flntemational Commitee<br />

Against Racism^ and CEDAR, a local pacifist<br />

group, accounted for about 150 arrti-Klan<br />

demonstrators. Another 50 were unaffiliated,<br />

but anti-Klan. Police also let throu^ 75 to 100<br />

open Klan supporters, mostly bikers, who<br />

attempted to intimidate people.<br />

At noon the Klan emerged from the front<br />

door of City Hall, in their hoods and robes,<br />

carrying a large .Amerikkkan flag and a banner<br />

reading "Peaceful Patrbtic Protest by the KKK."<br />

Bill Wilkinson, Grand Dragon of the Invisible<br />

Empire of the Knights of the KKK, spoke<br />

throu^ a large sound system. At times he was<br />

drowned out by "Death to the Klan" and other<br />

chants. The Klan played "God Bless America"<br />

and other patriotk: songs over the speakers and<br />

returned to City, HaU after *5 minutes.<br />

After sneaking out the bad< dcxsr, tiie Kim<br />

left town in a feeding caravan led by patrol<br />

cars. Local teenagers and anti-Klan activists<br />

slipped through police lines and showered the<br />

Klan with stones, shattering a windshield on one<br />

Klan car.<br />

Arilonio Kbn mavch<br />

<strong>TToUsfi</strong><br />

In Houston, the police called it<br />

"state-of-the-art" crowd control. It meant 1800<br />

poBoe on ?,000 rfemonstrators, plainclothes "tails"<br />

on all known anti-Klan activists, selective<br />

seardies of demoretrators, and a midnight raid<br />

on an anti-Klan punk benefit.<br />

•<br />

*• In Meriden, the press called it "a peaceful<br />

day." There were roadblocks at interstate exits,<br />

pat searches of everyone entering the vk±uty of<br />

Town Hall ^occupied by the KKK^ and snarling<br />

police dogs on chains.<br />

*• In San Antonio, so much of the city was<br />

sealed off by police barricades that protesters<br />

hardly saw the Klan, and even the Klan<br />

complained that they were being denied their<br />

'Vighf to a pitolic rally.<br />

*• In a suburban shopping mall in Connecticut,<br />

cops outnumbered shoppers and SWAT teams<br />

lurked in the lingerie when the Klan came to<br />

recruit and anti-Klan demonstrators stopped<br />

them. A New England factory town was turned<br />

into what kxal papers called "an armed camp"<br />

in a futile attempt to herd demonstrators into a<br />

stadium with the Klan!<br />

AmeriKKKa, 1983. Never has so much naked<br />

police power been mobilized to protect the<br />

ability of fascists to march and rally in the<br />

streets. These events show not only the state's<br />

commitment to build the Klan, but also the<br />

growing strength of the opposition. The<br />

resistance to the Klan is becomir^ a movement,<br />

and nowhere can the Klan march without<br />

massive oolice protection.<br />

'See centerfold for photos.><br />

Houston, Texas<br />

The KKK that marched on April 2 in<br />

Houston was the same "Knights of the White<br />

Camelia" and "Klan Boat '^atrol" that met with<br />

disaster in Austin on February 19th. Based<br />

primarily in the Houston/Pasadena area, they<br />

were marching doser to home this time.<br />

.Kl<br />

m<br />

-:i;r..-.<br />

Houston is not Austin, where there is a lohg<br />

history of leadership from groups lB


EDITORIAL<br />

FROM THE NEW AFRIKAN<br />

INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT<br />

ar Is War<br />

Even as Black mavors are elected in Chicago<br />

and Philadelphia, even as the talk about a "Black<br />

presidency" grows more clamorous, even as<br />

thotsands of New Afrikans 'Blacks^ are being<br />

mobilized to march in Washington, D.C. on<br />

August 27th under the barmer of symbolism and<br />

reformism, even as all this takes place, the<br />

conditions of War in Amerikkka are escalating<br />

and intensifving.<br />

This war began with tiie coming of the first<br />

europeans to Africa for the purpose of buying<br />

and trafficking in human beings to serve as<br />

slaves. This was the commencement of a war<br />

between the oppressed, enslaved and eventually<br />

colonized Afrikan masses and the oppressing,<br />

enslaving and colonizing europeans. Everywhere<br />

that Afrikans were dispersed became a political<br />

and militarv front in this struggle for freedom<br />

and to end oppression.<br />

This reality of war was in no way diminished<br />

by the fact that Afrkans acted as middlemen,<br />

translators and mercenaries for the barbaric<br />

interests of the white marauders. Here in<br />

Amerikkka, during slavery, this reality of war<br />

was in no way diminished by the role played by<br />

Uncle Toms, house n s, snitches, and<br />

mercenaries. And even in this day and time,<br />

our budding war of New Afrikan national<br />

liberation is in no way diminished by the<br />

existence of reformists, traitors, snitches and<br />

black ruming dogs of U.S. imperialism. They<br />

exist just as our movement exists. They serve<br />

W bolster the tyranny of the U.S. bourgeoisie,<br />

just as — in counteroosrtion — tfie masses of our<br />

people seek to free ourselves from Amerikkkan<br />

domination.<br />

There is War in Ameri


FBI Klansman Cleared<br />

in Liuzzo Murder<br />

!Iune 1. A Federal judge denied a suit<br />

against the FBI by the children of civil rights<br />

worker Viola Liuzzo, murdered in 1965 by<br />

Klansmen, one of whom was FBI agent Gary<br />

'''homas Ro>we. Liuzzos argued that the FBI<br />

knew of the plan to kill their mother, and in<br />

fact, Rowe fired the fatal shot. The judge ruled<br />

that though the FBI knew of the plan they were<br />

under no obligation to stop it because "no<br />

specific Federal statute was violated." He<br />

accepted the FBFs argument that Rowe's shot<br />

had missed. Anthony Liuzzo Jr. said, "I swear it<br />

was as if he 'the judge) had not even gone to<br />

the trial ... because I feel verv strongly th^t we<br />

proved negligence and all the facts ^^were<br />

overlooked." Still on the FBI Payroll, Rowe now<br />

lives in Georgia under a new identity.<br />

Punk Rockers Attack<br />

Nazis in Germany<br />

West Germany, May 21. Five thousand punk<br />

rockers and angry youth surrounded a hall where<br />

SS veterans were having a reunion dinner,<br />

chanting "Nazis go home!" A VW bus filled with<br />

uniformed neo-Nazis was attacked by the<br />

demonstrators, the doors were torn off and the<br />

Nazis teargassed, before the protesters were<br />

driven away by police with mace. Also in<br />

Gamany, youths threw stones and eggs at US<br />

tanks in a NATO parade and greeted US troops<br />

with mod< Nazi salutes. The parade reviewing<br />

stand was bombed, and the police shrewdly<br />

commented, "There is almost certainly a political<br />

motive for tfiis bombing."<br />

Klan Prison Escape<br />

Alabama march<br />

r4<br />

Alabama March<br />

Protesters carried out a weeklong, 300 mile<br />

march and nriotorcade from Eufaula, Ala., to the<br />

state Capitol in Montgomery to protest the<br />

shootings of three Black people by police ance<br />

Easter. About 1200 people began the march,<br />

which departed on the 20th anniversary of<br />

George Wallace's attempt to prevent two Black<br />

students from enrolling in the University of<br />

Akibama at Tuscaloosa.<br />

USA vs. Puerto Rico<br />

On June 2 9, four Puerto Rican<br />

independentistas and community leaders in<br />

Chicago were arrested and charged with seditious<br />

conspiracy and being members of the F.A.L.N*<br />

by Chicago's equivalent of the Joint Terrorist<br />

Task Porce. Alberto Rodriquez, Jose Rodriquez<br />

and Eddie Cortes are being held on $10 million<br />

baiL Alejandrina Torres, stepmother of Puerto<br />

Rican freedom fighter Carlos Aft)erto Torres, is<br />

being held on $5 million bail. The excuse for<br />

these arrests of public activists was that they<br />

were planning to return William Morales to this<br />

country before his arrest and were planning a<br />

bombing of U.S. military installations on July<br />

"th.<br />

At 5:30 a.m. the following day, 50 jumpsuited<br />

agents invaded the Puerto Rican High School and<br />

Cultural Center for hours and stole equipment<br />

and files and seized h cars, including<br />

Alejandrina's. The F.B.I., State officials aid<br />

Chicago police later held a press conference<br />

laving out their story to justify this<br />

counterinsurgency attacrk on the Puerto Rican<br />

community and revolutionary activists. More<br />

arrests and attacks by the government are<br />

expected. A mailgram and phone campaign is<br />

going on to stop these attacks on the community<br />

immediately. Phone or Writet U.S. Attorney<br />

Daniel We** at 219 So. Demfaom, Chicago, 111.<br />

60601, Ol2> 353-3527 x672» to demand (1)<br />

Return all equipment and materials taken from<br />

the Puerto Rkan Cultiial Center; "^2) Return the<br />

ft cars impomied to their owners; and (3^ St


4 / m * 0 e i 9 K /<br />

Austin Update:<br />

Charges Fought<br />

The Klan in Texas is attempting to establish<br />

a stronghold in relationship to the Black arrf<br />

Mexican struggles. Texas is part of occupied<br />

Mexico and forms part of the illegal border<br />

fhence, the Klan Border Patrol that works with<br />

the INS). Texas adjoins the national territory of<br />

the Republic of New AfrB


Fighting RICO:<br />

An Interview with Silvia Baraldini<br />

In the fall of 1982, in the aftermath of the<br />

ireuocessful Brink's expropriation, the US. began<br />

the RICO conspiracy trial. The first major<br />

political conspiracy trial of the decade and the<br />

opening gun in a new drive toward hei^^ttened<br />

represskan, RICO is the government's attempt to<br />

destroy once and for all the ability of the Black<br />

Laseratnn Stuggle — in this case elements of<br />

the New Afrikan Independence Movement — to<br />

build a revolutionary struggle for land and power.<br />

Of the deven indicted, foia-, including two white<br />

people, are still free and being sought by the<br />

FBI. Others such as captued BLA sokiier Sekou<br />

Odinga and Silvia Baraldini, a white<br />

anti-imperialist activist in the pdblic mov«nent,<br />

are on trial and fighting the case by exposing<br />

and resisting it as oointerinsurgency. We print<br />

this Interview in full solidarity with their<br />

politkal aims. This RICO case is bdi^ tried<br />

under extraordinary security by Judge Kevin<br />

Duffy, an out-and-out radst noted in the press<br />

for his anti-semitism. Robert Cordier of the<br />

FBI Joint Terrorist Task Force sits at the<br />

prosecution table. As Silvia Baraldini said In<br />

another context, "TTiis trial is m feet the test<br />

case for the new FBI guidelmes." This fftterview<br />

was conducted in late June, 1983.<br />

DEATH TO THE KLAN: Why are you indicted<br />

in this case'' Why do you say it's a New<br />

Afrion case?<br />

SILVIA BARALDINI: U.S. imperiaUsm indicted<br />

eleven people cn charges of racketeering, bank<br />

robberv and accessory after the fact. Among<br />

those indicted are members of the New Afrikan<br />

Independence Movem«it, including Sekou Odinga,<br />

New Afrikan Pr'soner-of-War, and three North<br />

American members of the revolutionary<br />

antt-imperiaiut mowsnent* Imperialism^ position<br />

is that'^ft'^^i^''pn!Mi0^illtll|i^^^~'Cfrl)i'iiiMl tftterpHseb<br />

This is a lie. What is being tried is the right of<br />

self-determination and socialism. Sekou Odinga<br />

Stated in Ws ooening statement; Tod^ there is<br />

brother revolution g/c/lg^gj^fjfaiM'<br />

'•Wem^ Revolution. lam a New A'<br />

not consider myself an American<br />

consider myself a New Afrikan citizen. You<br />

may have heard the term the Republic of New<br />

Afrika mentioned by the Judge — or if you<br />

havent you will. The Republic of New Afrika is<br />

the name given our nation by a group of Black<br />

people who came together in I'JfiS and who<br />

decided to declare ourselves free and<br />

independent of the U.S." Despite the<br />

government's denials, what has emerged during<br />

the trial is the reality that members of the<br />

Black Liberation struggle came together to build<br />

a clandestine apparatus. These forces engaged<br />

in a number of expropriations and liberated<br />

Assata Shakur from captivity. These efforts are<br />

part of ai overall strategy to free the nation<br />

and its land base: Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana,<br />

Mississippi and South Carolina. This is what<br />

imperialism is trying to defeat.<br />

I am the only North American being tried<br />

in the RICO case. I am a member of May 19th<br />

Communist Organization and I believe it is<br />

because of the organization's principled support<br />

of the New Afrikan Independence ^tovement and<br />

its right to wage armed struggle that I have<br />

been indicted. The government's theory is that<br />

a number of North Americans worked with the<br />

New Afrikan clandestine forces, so it is essential<br />

to their strategy that a white revolutionary be<br />

tried. I have worked politically with a number<br />

of the people indicted, in particular on behalf of<br />

my organization; I have participated in the<br />

defense of New Afrikan political prisoners and<br />

struggled to expose COINTELPRO. What is on<br />

trial in my indictment is North Americans'<br />

committment to the self-determination of the<br />

Black nation in particular, our committment to<br />

the defeat of U.S. imperialism and to the<br />

establishment of a socialist society.<br />

What is the government<br />

with this case?<br />

trying to accomplish<br />

Our case 'S part of US imperialism's<br />

counterinsurgency strategy in the 80's and the<br />

consolidatron of its fascist infrastructure.<br />

Counterinsurgency is being waged against<br />

national liberation in Central America, in the<br />

^^iddle East and right here at home. The aim is<br />

the total destruction of oppressed peoples'<br />

capabilities to organize themselves into<br />

revolutionary movements that will challenge and<br />

defeat US imperialism, '^'e have learned from<br />

the history of other struggles, such as Vietnam,<br />

Mozambique, Nicaragua, that only one strategy<br />

can liberate oppressed nations — protracted<br />

people's war. Counterinsurgency in the 80's<br />

inside the U.S. is targeting the beginnings of<br />

that crucial development within the oppressed<br />

nations inside the U.S. empire. t.'.S. imperialism<br />

is targeting the armed clandestine forces and the<br />

Silvia Oaraldini<br />

and Native<br />

targeting the<br />

struggle whose goal is tihe transft<br />

white oppressor nation into a non-oppressor<br />

socialist society.<br />

Counterinsurgency has short and long-term<br />

goals: the criminalization of the New Afrikan<br />

independence Movement by trying freedom<br />

fighters, activists and supporters under a law<br />

aimed at organized crime; the isolation of<br />

revolutionary forces by a media campaign that<br />

calls them "terrorists" and "mad dog killers"; and<br />

the creation among the people of a fear of<br />

revolutionaries 'this was successfully done by the<br />

CIA in Chile'*. Other goals include the<br />

institutionalization of fascist "legal" procedures<br />

such as anonymous juries and witnesses and the<br />

gathering of intelligence against the movement,<br />

"^^ost importantly, the goal in this RICO case is<br />

the defeat of the armed clandestine forces of<br />

the New Afrikan Independence Movement at the<br />

beginning of their development when they are<br />

weak and the enemy still very powerful. The<br />

RICO trial is also being used to erase the<br />

differences between the armed clandestine<br />

movements and revolutionary public<br />

organizations. If the government is successful in<br />

establishing that common ideology constitutes a<br />

conspiracy, this will justify infiltration and<br />

provocations against many organizations as<br />

provided for by the new FBI guidelines.<br />

What are the differences between this and other<br />

famous politksl conspiracy cases li


6 ZkmibrHe/tj^<br />

The Chicago Mayoral Election:<br />

A No-Win<br />

This past April, after a two month campaign<br />

marked by racist hysteria — described by one<br />

observer as being "like one long, continuous Klan<br />

rally" — Harold Weishington was elected as<br />

Chicago's first Black mayor. The city was<br />

thrown into turmoil as 80% of the white<br />

Democrats crossed party lines to vote for tfie<br />

white RepLfoUcan candidate, Bernard Epton, while<br />

an unprecedented number of Black voters, along<br />

with a large coalition of progressive/left white<br />

groups and individuals, turned out to vote<br />

Washington into office. The national Democratic<br />

party threw its weight behind Washington, while<br />

the local Democratic machine balked at the idea<br />

of a Black reform-oriented candidate and<br />

supported Epton.<br />

The Washington campaign and election had an<br />

impact far beyond Chicago. The depth of white<br />

racism that was displayed drew national<br />

atteitkjn. Washir^jton's vkrtory has sparked voter<br />

registration drives in Boston srid other cities, and<br />

progressive coeilitkms are forming to campaign<br />

for Black Democratk: candidates. 3ssse Jackson<br />

is conducting his Southern crusade for voter<br />

registration (meeting with the lUcss of George<br />

Wallace) and promoting the idea of a Black<br />

Presdential candidate.<br />

While many have hailed Washington's victory as<br />

an advance for the Black struggle and for all<br />

progressive people, it is our opinion that the<br />

campaign was in fact a blow to progressive<br />

stri^gle. l*4ow that the election is over and the<br />

smoke has cleared somewhat, Chicago is left<br />

with two big problems. On the one hand we<br />

now have a significantly more organized and<br />

more blatantly racist white commuruty. And cn<br />

the other hand the Blac^ community and the<br />

pn^pessive white movement is now united behind<br />

a strategy of seddng to bring an end to racism<br />

and exploitation through the electoral process —<br />

through working within the very system which<br />

thrives on the oppression of Third WorW people<br />

and the e^qploitation of all working dass people.<br />

A BREEDING CSROUND FOR THE fCLAN<br />

Situation<br />

Radst propaganda distrixited by Chicago polioei<br />

spurring on the racist offensive. Aldermen<br />

treated the existence of a Black Democratic<br />

candidate as a crisis and opted for the white<br />

candidate. Since Washington's election the<br />

"Machine" has continued its fight for white<br />

power and for the ability to maintain their<br />

extensive patronage system that Washington is<br />

threatening to dismantle. Twenty-nine white<br />

Democrats led by "machine" leader Edward<br />

Vrdolyak formed a hloci< to attempt to control<br />

the City Council. At the first City Council<br />

meeting that Washington presided over,<br />

Washington adjourned the meeting prematurely.<br />

The "Vrdolyak 29" then took over the council<br />

and appointed their people to all of the<br />

important chairmanship positions. The 29 had<br />

COB<br />

Chicago is now a fatile breedff^ gromd for the<br />

KKK and other white stpremacist a-ganizations.<br />

It has maffiy white 'ethnic' neighborhoods which<br />

have stayed all-white throu^ a combinatkxi of<br />

official police vfolence, city government policies<br />

and vigilante attacks. Last summer three Black<br />

men who dared enter the all-white neighborhood<br />

of Bridgeport were attacked; one was<br />

deliberately nn over by a car and then brutally<br />

beaten with a baseball bat. A week later when<br />

a small groip of Black and white demonstrators<br />

marched through Bridgeport to protest tills racist<br />

attack, over one hundred white Bridgeport<br />

residents came out to wave posters that the<br />

Nazis had handed out which said "N-»--r<br />

Beware" and "White Power." There have been a<br />

number of white power rallies in Chicago in<br />

recent years. There are several KKK and Posse<br />

Comitatus chapters around Chicago and<br />

throughout Illinois, and Nazis and a neo-Nazi<br />

groiq> called the "America First Committee"<br />

operate openly. In southern Illinois the<br />

"Christian Patriots Defense League" has a<br />

paramilitary training camp and has trained<br />

hundreds of white people in preparatton for "the<br />

coming race war." These groi^ have done tiieir<br />

best to promote racist hysteria around the<br />

Washington election and are taking advantage of<br />

the opportunity to recruit new people to their<br />

organizations.<br />

In the face of this right-wing onslaight, many<br />

white peopte took to wearing Washington buttons<br />

to symbolize their opposition to the racism that<br />

was sweeping throt^ their communities. Otfiers<br />

were moved to join Washington's campaign.<br />

Altho^ ttie motives briiind tiiese actions were<br />

well-intended, it is unfortunate that the<br />

anti-racist sentiment was expressed in support<br />

for Washirgton, for there is no evidence that the<br />

election of a Black mayor will bring about any<br />

significant progressive change.<br />

Four hundred years of violent repression<br />

against the Black liberation struggle has diown<br />

us that if Harold Washir^ton's election was any<br />

significant threat to the status quo then we<br />

wcxild not have seen his victory at the polls.<br />

We would not have seen the constant parade of<br />

Democratk: national bigwigs like Mondale and<br />

Kennedy coming to Chicago to lend their support<br />

for Wa^ir^ten. Were Wadiir^ton fvmdamentally<br />

challengir^ the system that denies Black people<br />

their humjin rights, then Chicago's business<br />

community would not have endorsed his<br />

nor would the leading local<br />

Democratic primary, masses of white tife-lor^<br />

Democrats flocked to Repii>lkan headquarters to<br />

carr^jaign for Epton. As the campaign developed<br />

there appeared tiroughout the white communities<br />

many different racist flyers that urged white<br />

people to vote for Epton. Some of these flyers<br />

were from local Denrxjcrat precinct captains who<br />

referred to Epton as "our great white hope."<br />

Others appeared to come from organized white<br />

supremacist grouos like the Klan and Nazis:<br />

these referred to Black people in derogatory<br />

terms 'such as "baboons"), degraded Black<br />

culture, and warned of the terror that would<br />

stafl< the stteets of Chicago if Washington were<br />

elected. The slogan "Vote White - Vote Right"<br />

appeared on t-shirts and posters. Shortly after<br />

the primary, some psteons of a white southwest<br />

side bar huig Washington in effigy. A niob of<br />

Epton supporters, aUong with a contingent two weeks later. Ir^^^i^«s* ade bar<br />

: orrlelection night the patrons ^^^te


<strong>Freedom</strong> Fighters Go to Court,<br />

Police Attack Supporters<br />

Black<br />

Nation Day<br />

Jared<br />

Bloodwing<br />

A pre-trial hearing in the case of the Brinks<br />

<strong>Freedom</strong> Fighters erupted into violence when police<br />

attad


^^^^^<br />

^^^^^<br />

DEATH TO<br />

MERIDEN<br />

THE<br />

In<br />

f<br />

('.I<br />

hi<br />

i<br />

I<br />

ill-<br />

Confinonting a<br />

KJansman


10 M / i * ^ ^ ^<br />

Fighting the Klan<br />

from page 1 :<br />

city government, who granted the permit and<br />

sent its police force to escort the Nazis and<br />

Klan in and out of Bronson Park and protect<br />

them dtring the rally.<br />

At a ore-demonstration Anti-Nazi rally, the<br />

Coalition Against Police Brutality of Battle<br />

Creek, Michigan, err^hasized fis need for Blad<<br />

people to defend themselves against the Klan<br />

and police terror. They cited the murder of<br />

Robert ^Kimau) Guy by the police after he was<br />

threatened by the Klan, because of his work<br />

organizing against killer cops and fighting for<br />

New Afrkan liberation.<br />

The Nazi rally, also attended by the neo-Nazi<br />

America First Commitee from Chicago, was<br />

initially organized as pert of an anti-gay crusade<br />

led by Rev. Edward Vamer. On April 9th Rev.<br />

Varner, and the Nazis and the Klan held a<br />

meetmg in the Kalamazoo Public Library to ban<br />

all books that mention homosexuality. That<br />

meeting was disrupted by 300 - *00 people. The<br />

May I'fth rally was the Nazis' and the Klan's<br />

attempt to come back and organize in<br />

Kalamazoo. They dM not succeed.<br />

Westfarms Mall, West Hartfrrd, Ct.<br />

After a court order allowing the National<br />

Organization of Women ^NOW^ to petition in<br />

Comecticufs largest shopping mall, Westfarms<br />

Mall, the KIcBI ennounced that they would hold a<br />

recruiting drive at the mall on May 22nd. Mall<br />

officials said they would allow no Klan or<br />

anti-Klan activity at the mall. Police said they<br />

would secure the area with three police<br />

departments. The Klan raid they would leaflet<br />

in their robes if anyone tried to tlrow them out.<br />

NOW said nothing. JBAKC organized in<br />

Hartford and "crashed" the mall's press<br />

conference, callir^ on all anti-racist people to<br />

come out on that Sunday to stop the KKK from<br />

recruiting.<br />

Westfarms Mall was fiill on May 22nd, but no<br />

ore was shooping. Anti-Klan activists, press, the<br />

curious, plainclothes cops di^yised as janitors, a<br />

few Klan sympaWzers, a Nazi teenager, SWAT<br />

teams hidden everywhere — it was a new phase<br />

in the struggle against wtiite supremacy. Since<br />

alfliost evgrYQDe.wgsjaretending to be shoppinHj.<br />

"wM~wl«i?E^ TT«<br />

tfielcSin<br />

to take any chances, so they sneaked them In a<br />

Jannes Farrands<br />

Connecttcut Grand<br />

Westfarms<br />

Mall<br />

Dragon<br />

presented over 500 postcards signed locally<br />

demanding that the Klan not be allowed to rally.<br />

Citing the "violence" of anti-Klan groips, the<br />

back door. However, it wasn't the mall, but the<br />

people, that stopped the Klan from recruiting at<br />

Westfarms. Outside, after the Klan left, mall<br />

and police officials were surrounded by 150<br />

people chanting "Death to the Klan" in a<br />

militant demonstration. Police attacked the<br />

demonstration, making two arrests, but only<br />

after the point had been made that the Klan<br />

can riot orj^ize anywhere without oppositfayi,<br />

even in a rfiopDing malL<br />

New Britain, Ct.<br />

Soon after their Meriden rally, the Klan<br />

announced a rally in nearby New Britain, Ct., on<br />

June 25, Gay Pride Day. Grand Dragon James<br />

,EMtr^nd^imed it as ^^lgg±^jgmmg^g^m^<br />

llilHiiP:;$aid he h i U M m H H M<br />

town's Polish population. JBAKC spd


KNOW YOUR ENEMY<br />

California Klan Leader<br />

Tom Metzger<br />

"3ust watch us. Just listen. Imagine<br />

anything you want. Imagine we're just a<br />

few sophisticated people who are going to<br />

get what they want. Imagine we're a<br />

massive movement. Whafs the difference.<br />

No one's going to stop us. We're<br />

professional. We're very determined.<br />

We're up to date. We have youth."<br />

-Tom<br />

Metzger<br />

Tom Metzger, ¥t years old, has emerged as a<br />

leading Klan ideologue and organizer. Based in<br />

Southern California, he heads two white<br />

. sipremacist organizations — the White American<br />

Political Association fWAPA) and the<br />

paramilitary Ku Klux Klan of Califomia. In<br />

describing the difference between the two.<br />

Metier has said that WAPA "is public and the<br />

other is an underground secret organization."<br />

EvoiutiGn of a KJan Leader<br />

Tom Metzger claims to have grown up a<br />

liberal in Indiana and Florida. It was in the U.S.<br />

Army that Metzger says he coalesced his<br />

"segregationist" views. During the 1960's he<br />

worked for Ihe Doi^las Aircraft Company and in<br />

^96l^ supported Barry Goldwater's presidential<br />

campaign. Following Goldwater's defeat,<br />

Metzger joined the John Birch Society and<br />

quickly rose to a leadership position. He stayed<br />

with this organization for nearly ten years,<br />

finally leavff^ because he didnt lielieve the John<br />

Birch Society was action-oriented enough. "You<br />

have to translate knowledge into action,"<br />

Metzger said. He then formed the White<br />

d, which in 1974 merged with David<br />

'Duke^ K n i ^ of the Ku Klux Kl«., Five years<br />

KKK<br />

"I do not support large public gatherings<br />

where our enemies may easily catalogue<br />

each and every member. Either one must<br />

conform to a cellular, unconventional<br />

svstem of activity or ^to^ front group<br />

activity ...<br />

"''The Klan's) mission will only be successful<br />

by taking that direction and to cease<br />

trving to make the Klan a large-type<br />

political group. To attract large numbers,<br />

front groups may be developed and/or<br />

existing public organizations and parties<br />

infiltrated for various activities and long<br />

range recruiting programs of skilled and<br />

professional members ...<br />

"These tactics are tried and proven ... I<br />

suggest strongly that you proceed along<br />

these lines ... with no national files, no<br />

identification cards and none of the public<br />

robe demonstrations that serve as useless<br />

targets for the groups as a whole."<br />

These are not the words of someone on the<br />

"lunatic fringe." It is the beginnings of a<br />

strategy for holding power, a full strategy to<br />

build the infrastructures and paramilitary<br />

caoacities for fascism and genocide.<br />

A Closer Look<br />

During his years with David Duke and later,<br />

as the KKK of California, Metzger attempted to<br />

combine both ptislic and paramilitary activities in<br />

the same organization. He created new black<br />

uniforms and talked openly of organized<br />

paramilitarv training and teaching children how<br />

Grand Dragon Metzger at home.<br />

important arena for front groip activity, and he<br />

has used this pitolic arena to legitimize the Klan<br />

and project it as a "peaceful" organization<br />

concerned with "white rights." Before running<br />

for office himself, Metzger served as campaign<br />

manager for David Oti


72 A m i t > t ^ ^<br />

FROM FREEDOM FIGHTERS<br />

The John Bfown Anti-Klan ConmittBe si^jports<br />

ihe developraent and growth of the armed<br />

clandestine movements in this country. We<br />

reprint the c(nnmuni


Ziamibtl^^ 13<br />

Silvia Baraldini from page 5<br />

example of the steadfastness we must<br />

collectively build if we are going to win.<br />

Non-collaboration means refusal to talk to the<br />

FBI, to the US attorneys, or to any investigative<br />

arm of the US government. Non-collaboration<br />

means the recognition on the part of the public<br />

movement that what we do has an impact on<br />

the ability of the armed clandestine movement<br />

to develop and grow, and that our silence helps<br />

keep the state from being able to destroy the<br />

armed clandestine movement.<br />

Why were you invited to Thrtebwe<br />

twice?<br />

May 19th Communist Organization in 1977 began<br />

actively to work with the Zimbabwe African<br />

National Union (ZANUl We sipported the party<br />

in their struggle to lead the Zimbabwean people<br />

to independence, to overthrow the white settler<br />

regimes and to end the presence of British<br />

imperialism in their country. ZANU was founded<br />

in 1964 and from the beginning it believed that<br />

victory could only be achieved if the<br />

Zimbabwean people, especially the peasantry,<br />

were mobilized to actwely became participants<br />

in a war for liberation. As of 1979 ZANU had<br />

liberated two provinces and effectively controlled<br />

two others out of a total of eight. The white<br />

settler regime was pinned to the major urban<br />

centers. It was at this point that, trying to<br />

salvage what it could, imperialism offered a<br />

settlement and free elections were held for the<br />

first time in ''0 years. ZANU invited friends and<br />

supporters to observe the elections because of<br />

the attacks being waged against the party. May<br />

19th was invited to observe the elections, to<br />

attend the independence celebrations arid<br />

returned a year after to see how the nation was<br />

changing. Solidarity with the national liberation<br />

struggles in Southern and central Africa is part<br />

of the anti-imperialist movement inside the<br />

United States. US imperialism is South Africa's<br />

foremost ally and US multinatioral corporations<br />

dominate the economic life of countries like<br />

Zimbabwe, Mozambique, and Zambia. The<br />

struggle to build a socialist society in Zimbabwe<br />

is very important far the future of Southem<br />

Africa. A ^BBHg socialist Zimbabwe, along with<br />

, could provide a rearguard for the<br />

liberation movements challenging the<br />

apartheid regime in Azania/So^JM^icaT. The<br />

emiJWIIiaft'lJiifcigtiaiil^^<br />

also<br />

iBiW'fff<br />

,,.,Afejfia*«And. bring closer the overthrow of<br />

^dictators lil« Mobutu in the Conga ,<br />

i t i n u e N e x t Issue:<br />

Inciudii^H^ fifpht against trcHtoK, the<br />

conclusion of the RICO trial, and more..'.<br />

Enemy: Metzger<br />

from page ] 1<br />

Southem Ccdif ornia has a hig^ concentratfon<br />

of military bases and aerospace industries.<br />

"Secret" camps exist for training Salvadorean<br />

ri^tists and Nkaraguan "Somocistas", as well as<br />

an Alpha-66 (anti-Cii>an) paramilitary camp. A<br />

klavem at Camp Pendleton was ejq^osed when<br />

Black marines attacked a Klan meeting. Chula<br />

Vista, near the border, has the highest number<br />

of retired military peopte in the country and the<br />

border itself is becoming more and more<br />

militarized. Watts, in Los Angeles, was the<br />

scene


14 /h0^;h;»ej^<br />

Vfcfory fo flie FLNC!<br />

Struggle in the Congo<br />

to overthrow Mobutu, but to build i socialist<br />

society so that the Congolese people will have<br />

power over their own lives and the future of<br />

their nation.<br />

The Congo is in the heart of Afrfca. If<br />

contains strategic minerals necessary for the US<br />

military machine. Large uranium deposits are<br />

mined and most of the world's cobalt is<br />

extracted from the Congo. Its central location<br />

makes it key to the maintenance of all the<br />

surrounding neo-colonial countries. Zaire<br />

provides bases for the CIA-backed UNITA to<br />

carry out counterinsurgency aimed at<br />

destabilizing the socialst nation of Angola. This<br />

is why the US has intervened in the Congo four<br />

times since 1960 to prop up the neo-colonial<br />

government of Mobutu. In a recent defense<br />

pact with Mobutu, Israel has brought 5-6,000<br />

troops into Zaire, supplying arms arid military<br />

training, in exchange for recognition in Africa<br />

and economic expanaon. The US hopes to dean<br />

up its image, as Israel does thie "dirty work."<br />

This highly militarized situation can only be<br />

defeated by the F.L.N.C. strengthening their<br />

strategy to build the people's war.<br />

The demonstrations and action for June 30th<br />

not only built support for the F.L.N.C. and the<br />

struggle in the Congo, but also demanded<br />

US/NATO/Israel troops out of the Congo.<br />

Fi^tir^ the build-up of imperialist troops in the<br />

Congo is part of building an anti-imperialist<br />

movement committed to fighting the<br />

Klan/oolice/military war machine the US<br />

government is building against natioral lifceratibn<br />

stri^gJes and tiie anti-imperialist movement, SBid<br />

exposes the U S ' i a ^ i t i , , rnntinilinp role in<br />

the Congo. These dernonsttarBWilii^^a-kxisly<br />

critfcized the People's Reoublk: of China<br />

militarv troops it maintains in the Congo to^<br />

support the Mobutu regime ani to guard Chinese<br />

investments in the area.<br />

Victory to the FiJM.C.!<br />

•GOLD •COAL A COPPER<br />

•COBALT ^DIAMONI^ ^MANGANESE<br />

> RAILROADS />6 OTRAG<br />

*The ^laded area was leased to 4w German fkm OTRAG for misale testkig.<br />

The Germans effective^ have rmaned ooiofUal control of the land, resources<br />

and people in IIBS<br />

Not a penny<br />

nota<br />

not a man 1x>MotHrtu<br />

June 30th is celebrated each year as an<br />

interrational day of solidarity with the struggle<br />

of the Congolese oeople fightkig to overthrow<br />

the Mobutu regime in what is now known as<br />

Zaire. It is also a day to build support for the<br />

National Liberation Front of the Congo<br />

(F.L.N.C.), the revolutionary vanguard of the<br />

Congolese striKjgle.<br />

Demonstrations were held m New York City,<br />

San Francisco, Wa^ington, D.C. and Boston and<br />

there were political action tables in Austin,<br />

Chkago, and Portletfxl. In Los Angeles on July<br />

1st, a coalition of groups sponsored at program<br />

keynoted by Serge Mukendi, the F.L.N.C.<br />

Reorwentative m the U.S.<br />

Since 1968 when the F.L.N.C. was formed, it<br />

has canned forward Patrice Lumumba's legacy,<br />

initiating armed struggle to overthrow<br />

neo-colonialism. After Patrice Lumumba's<br />

assasination by the CIA in l^O, the U.S.<br />

installed Mobutu, who is called the "Shah of<br />

Africa", to safeguard imperialist econornic<br />

interests h the Ca^ and repress the Congolese<br />

oeople wt\o had just won their itxlependence<br />

from Belgami. fti 1977-78 the FX.N.C. liberated<br />

three provinces, establishing liberated zones in<br />

mineral-rich southem Zaire. Mobutu's forces<br />

w«-e unatte were inable to contam tiiis uprismg<br />

and 20,000 NATO troops, mcludmg the US 82nd<br />

Airbom Division, were bnx^t m to defeat Hhe<br />

r^llion.<br />

Since .1978 the I*.L.N.C. has. continued to<br />

build tfie strateiy of peopled war.' Their slogan<br />

"Conquer or Die^' means that the total Bberaticn<br />

of the Congo is more than just replacing a<br />

colonial government with an African one. Under<br />

Mobutu, only 1.2 million out of 30 million<br />

people are employed, 50% of the children die<br />

before tfiey are 2 years old and many women<br />

have been forced to turn to prostitutkn to feed<br />

tf»r bilk's. The FXJ^.C. is fiehtkis not iust<br />

Congolese Children IMarching^<br />

in Liberated Zone


News Briefs, from page 3<br />

Puerto Rican <strong>Freedom</strong> Fighter<br />

Captured<br />

Killer Cops: Houston<br />

A Houston cop was acquitted of murder charges<br />

on May 20th and then offered his job back.<br />

Deputy Constabte Earl Jeffrey Johnson shot and<br />

killed a 20 year oW Black man. Glen Simpson, in<br />

front of his own mother and neighbors after<br />

allegedly stopping him for speedir^ January 30th.<br />

Johnson *ot Glen Simpson at point-blank range<br />

in the head with a .357 Magnum, claiming<br />

Simpson had a weapon, which of course was<br />

never found. The Wller cop was then rescued by<br />

a polk» team armed with AR-15 automatics.<br />

Due to community outrage, Johnson was charged<br />

with murder, the first time a Houston cop has<br />

ever been indicted for murdering someone while<br />

on duty. Black jurors were excluded by the<br />

prosecution which claimed they would make the<br />

trial a "race issue".<br />

KKK at Long Island High School<br />

A dummy with a black face and "KKK"<br />

written across it was found hanging from a<br />

backstop on the Farmingdale, Long Island<br />

baseball field on June 1*. Police say the<br />

dummy was "the work of youtii rather than any<br />

organized Ku Klux Klan." The sdx»l of almost<br />

3,000 students had been the scene of white<br />

supremacist violence for weeks and had iDeen<br />

shut down for three days due to Klan-type<br />

attacks on the 112 Black students.<br />

Please Send<br />

News Briefs!<br />

Puerto Rican revolutionary William ^^orales<br />

was captured near Mexico City, four vears after<br />

his dramatic escape from UJ5, counterinsurgency<br />

forces in New York Citv. He is wanted as a<br />

member of the armed clandestine F.A.L.N.,<br />

which fights for ind^endence and socialism fa-<br />

Puerto Rico. After his capture, police raided a<br />

house where he was thought"*to have been<br />

staving and three peopte and a policeman were<br />

killed. J^er Toro of the FBFs Joint Terrorist<br />


16 Z^umibiM^<br />

WHO WE ARE<br />

POETRY<br />

The -Ttrfm Brown Anti-Klan Committee is a naitionai orgaruzatkm that mobilizes white<br />

people to f i ^ white supremacy.<br />

We were formed in 1977 m response to the struggle<br />

of Blad< and Puerto Rican prisoners gainst KKK orgaraang among New Yori< State<br />

prison guaids. In the last year we have fought the Klan and killer cops and built<br />

solidarity<br />

with the New Afrikan Independence Movement in San Frandsco, Lc3s Alleles,<br />

Houston, San Antonio, Kalamazoo, Chicago, Boston, Omectioit and New York.<br />

We look to the leadersHp of national liberation strtiggles f i ^ i ^ for freedom from U.S.<br />

domination and to the New African Independence Movement in particular. We are a<br />

solidarity organization for the New Afrikan Independence Movement — tfiat part of the<br />

Black LBjeration Movement whk*i fi^rts for land axf independence for tfie Black nation.<br />

The fight against the Klan is fundamentally a f i ^ ^;ainst U.S. imperialism. We know<br />

that the state can never "ban" the Klan. We are committed to building an<br />

anti-imperiaiist mass movement against white si^xemacy. We unopncfitionally st^iport all<br />

singles of Black communities agaJhst the Klan and police terror. We ^ | ^ r t New<br />

Afrikan <strong>Freedom</strong> Fighters and the buikfing of armed stniggle here in the heart of the<br />

U.S. entire. We td

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