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Chapter 4: Improv<strong>in</strong>g Forest Quality and Livelihoods <strong>in</strong> Indonesia • 95<br />

areas, resettlements projects, large-scale plantations and m<strong>in</strong>es, <strong>in</strong> a<br />

negation <strong>of</strong> local people’s systems and rights (Colchester et al. 2003). At<br />

the local levels, overlapp<strong>in</strong>g claims create a chaotic environment for forest<br />

<strong>management</strong> decision mak<strong>in</strong>g, essentially result<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>forests</strong>’ be<strong>in</strong>g treated<br />

as open access. Decentralisation has made the policy context even more<br />

complex (Box 4-1).<br />

Box 4-1. Decentralisation: complicat<strong>in</strong>g forestry policy<br />

Processes <strong>of</strong> decentralisation—beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> late 1998 with the process <strong>of</strong><br />

reform follow<strong>in</strong>g the <strong>Asia</strong>n f<strong>in</strong>ancial crisis—have exacerbated the complex<br />

policy context. Compet<strong>in</strong>g claims on forest resources have now prompted<br />

<strong>of</strong>ficial rulemak<strong>in</strong>g over resources and, hence, power plays. A tug-<strong>of</strong>-war about<br />

where to position the locus <strong>of</strong> authority over <strong>forests</strong> has cont<strong>in</strong>ued between<br />

national and local governments and between neighbour<strong>in</strong>g jurisdictions, such<br />

as villages or regencies (Dermawan and Resosudarmo 2002; Syam et al. 2003;<br />

Wollenberg et al. 2006; Komarud<strong>in</strong> and Moeliono 2007). Often, decentralisation<br />

merely creates opportunities for the local elite to assert disproportionate<br />

claims for strengthen<strong>in</strong>g their power base (Wollenberg et al. 2006).<br />

For our present discussion we underscore two major factors. The first is the<br />

multiple claims on <strong>forests</strong> by different actors with <strong>in</strong>compatible <strong>in</strong>terests. It<br />

is not rare, for example, that local people’s multiple-use l<strong>in</strong>ked to rotational<br />

agriculture competes with large-scale commercial <strong>management</strong> for logg<strong>in</strong>g<br />

or with government conservation projects on the same forest. Historically,<br />

most conflicts have been settled by force, with the more powerful<br />

stakeholders <strong>of</strong>ten supported by the government (Peluso 1992; Colfer and<br />

Resosudarmo 2002). Even where negotiation has been tried, particularly<br />

fostered by decentralisation, imbalances <strong>in</strong> power status usually make the<br />

outcome preorda<strong>in</strong>ed (Li 1999 cited <strong>in</strong> Edmunds and Wollenberg 2001; Fay<br />

and Sirait 2002; Colchester et al. 2003). In addition, because <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>adequate<br />

state structures and regulations, compet<strong>in</strong>g claims and associated conflicts<br />

are rarely managed successfully.<br />

The second factor relates to the nature <strong>of</strong> the <strong>management</strong> systems. Most<br />

<strong>management</strong> systems, whether practiced by the government or by local<br />

people, lack the necessary structures and processes to deal effectively<br />

with new challenges and demands, such as those brought about by liberal<br />

market forces or public calls for a more balanced resource distribution.<br />

Government <strong>management</strong> systems, favour<strong>in</strong>g science-based, top-down

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