Volume 6, No. 2, June, 1918

Volume 6, No. 2, June, 1918 Volume 6, No. 2, June, 1918

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Page sixteen The Internationalist THE Fighting With Co-operation By C- F. Lowrie, President American Society of Equity American Society of Equity is a result of the spontaneous demand of the wheat farmers of Montana for a larger share of the products of their labor as represented in the price of wheat. The low prices for the three years preceding the war, when most of it was raised at a loss to the farmers, was the impelling cause of the organization. A directing force for the sentiment created by these conditions was the more or less closely thought-out plans of a number of natural revolutionists, who had been wage-slaves in the cities, factories and mines, and had obeyed the call of "back to the land." The central idea of these people was the elimination of the exploitation between the producer on the farm and the workingman consumer in the city, factory and mine. The American Society of Equity distinguished itself from other farm organizations by allying itself with the Trade Union movement, the latter being affiliated with the State Federation of Labor. The first business done in a co-operative way was the buying of twine for the 1914 crop, which resulted in a saving of over $100,000 for the farmers of the state of Montana. This was followed by a great deal of co-operative buying and selling on the elub-order plan. However, as a result of experience gained in this work and a study of the development of co-operation in Europe, it was soon determined by those in charge of the Society that co-operation, in order to become permanent must be organized along the lines that had proven so successful in Europe. So that now, there has been a gradual evolution in the methods of the organization, until as a result, we now have a state wholesale association, called the Equity Co-operative Association of Montana, with a capital stock of $500,000, over $125,000 of which is subscribed, doing business as THOSE battle a wholesale agent for twenty co-operative stores now operating and seventy-five co-operative grain elevators. The local Co-operative stores and elevators own the shares of stock in the Central association. Each local store and elevator does business in a wholesale way with the Central association. Co-operative retail stores have also been organized in three of the principal cities of the state, namely, Great Falls, Butte, and Helena; and others are in the process of organization in the other industrial centers of the state. As an illustration of what this organization will mean in the future when completely organized, I will say that the major share of the apple crop which is raised in the Western part of the state, was marketed through this co-operative organization last year. Arrangements for assembling the car loads were made by the co-operative stores at the local points; the State Wholesale association arranged the sales in car lots to the co-operative stores and elevators in other parts of the state which did not raise fruit and not a middleman touched these apples so handled from the time they left the hands of the grower until they reached the consumers. During all this development a running fight has been fought with the big commercial interests. Just one instance in the forefront of the for the establishment of permanent co-operation, believe that co-operation will prove a great factor in the coming Social Revolution in Russia and Great Britain. Already the farmers and trades unionists of North and South Dakota, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Michigan and Illinois are seriously considering affiliating with the new National subsidiary of the big Washburn-Crosby Flour trust of Minneapolis, refused to unionize their plant. The Central Labor bodies, including the Equity farmers declared the flour unfair. The retail stores of Great Falls, through pressure brought by the wholesalers, refused to handle any flour but the unfair flour. The Clerks' union replied by refusing to handle the scab flour. The retailers replied by closing every store in town, except the Equity Consumers' League Co-operative store. The Co-operative store was in financial difficulties at the time and an implied threat was made, that unless a certain $3500 obligation was paid the Co-operative store would be closed. The Trade Unions and farmers rallied to the support and raised the $3500 in two hours time. As a result the stores were all opened the following day, -as the co-operative store was getting all the trade. As a result the Union Labor of the city was placed squarely behind the Co-operative store and success for the future seems assured. Another result is to stimulate the plan for a million-dollar co-operative flour mill to be located at Great Falls; nearly $50,000 worth of stock is already subscribed by co-operative stores and Co-operative Wholesale. elevators and within a years time the co-operative mill will undoubtedly be one of the biggest mills in the state of Montana. " At the present writing the Mine Workers' Union in Butte, which is on strike against the Copper company is backing the Equity Consumers' league co-operative store at that point. Those in the forefront of the battle for the establishment of permanent co-operation believe that co-operation will prove a great factor in the coming social revolution in America, as it already has done in Russia and Great Britain. As a result of the expansion of the co-operative movement in Montana, F. A. Bennett, the man who has been chiefly responsible and who by his sacrifices has made possible the success of this organization, has been called to St. Paul to form a national co-operative wholesale, which will develop the same kind of an organization in other regions. Already the farmers and trade unionists of North and South Dakota, Minesota, Wisconsin, Michigan and Illinois are seriously considering affiliating with the new national co-operative wholesale. The Co-operative Wholesale Society of America, as it is named, has offices "on the ninth floor of the Pioneer Building, St. Paul, Minnesota. The general plan of doing business is to imitate big business is every way, except in the ownership of the business, which is distributed among the whole people (that is the working men and the farmers) and in the distribution of the profits. After paying a nominal dividend amounting to current interest rates on the capital stock, the remainder of the profits are pro-rated back to the buyers and sellers in proportion to the amount of business done. The time is now ripe for permanent co-operation in America and we believe the time is also ripe for the co-ordination of co-operation with the ultimate forces which are making for the co-opera- of these battles: tive commonwealth, that world events may bring to pass The Royal Milling Company of Great Falls, which is a sooner than some of us had dreamed for a few years ago.

14) e Internationalist Page seventeen Christianity and Pacifism By R. B. Whitaker [One of the foremost ministers on th e Pacific Coast, a man of reputation for his "advanced" religious views, published in one of the most open?minded of the denominational journals a criticism of "Christian" pacifists. It was addressed in particular to one of these Christian pacifists, Rev. Robert Burdette Whitaker, of Paradise, Butte County, California, a nephew of Robert Whitaker of Los Gatos, and likewise an allround radical. Whitaker replied to this criticism in the following good tempered and well argued article. The editor of the denominational journal in which the criticism had appeared publicly stated that he thought in fairness he ought to publish the reply, that it was a thoroughly fit and an eminently able answer, but admitted that HE DID NOT DARE TO DO IT. And this editor, as his work shows, is not a coward. He has already risked his editorial head again and again by his refusal to join the war madness. His journal represents a church which boasts its independence, and claims the men and women who landed on Plymouth Rock as its own special possession because they were of its membership. Yet its constituency, made up largely of ministers, consented apparently without protest to this suppression of the article. In the interests of fair play, as an exhibit of how little the workers of the world can depend upon their "spiritual guides" for even decency in the discussion of economics, and as in itself a fine presentation of the CHRISTIAN CASE AGAINST WAR w e take pleasure in giving to our readers the rejected paper by Mr. Whitaker.] THE majority of the Christian leaders of the world are telling us that in the present crisis, the real question before us is not the academic one as to whether war is right or wrong, but the practical problem of what the Christian program for the present involves. Under existing conditions, they would have us believe that participation in the prosecution of the war is a necessary part of the Christian program. To an ever growing minority, this seems a mistaken judgment, especially as many of those who advocate this view go so far with us in their conception of the nature of Christian faith. Referring to a statement in "A Pacifist Confession of Faith", one friend recently said in a personal letter to the writer: "With all my soul I believe that 'the religion of Jesus was and is a way of life for the present, and not merely an ideal for the future,." Now it seems to the thorough-going pacifist that that one admission ought to make impossible the life of a soldier for any Christian disciple, for if there is any one thing which perhaps is more fundamental than all else in connection with "the Christian Way" it is the Way of Loyalty to Jesus as the supreme loyalty. In Him we see the very heart of God revealed to men, so that loyalty to Him is loyalty to the Father whom he reveals. Or perhaps it would have been a better stating of the case to have said that the supreme loyalty is loyalty to God as He is revealed in Jesus. The Christian's difficulty here with the whole war problem is, that military efficiency depends upon implicit obedience to authority as at all times the chief duty of a soldier. military A soldier in action can have no authority but that of his commanding officer. If in the course of the war he is commanded to assist in reprisals (merely a polite term for military retaliation) then he must not stop to think that Christ has forbidden any disciple of his to have anything to do with retaliation. Rather, he must obey without question. To state the matter plainly then, the question, "What Would Jesus Do?" is not one which it is allowable for a soldier to consider. A persistent asking of that question in the light of New Testament teaching would lead to insubordination and sedition on the part of the Christian members of our army; for there is much in modern warfare besides reprisals entirely out of keeping with the spirit of Jesus. It is only because for the period of the war, under cover of "military necessity," we allow the voice of the military authorities to become for us the voice of God, that we can prosecute the war at all. The reasoning of the average man runs about like this: It is absolutely necessary to overcome Germany. War is the only method by which this can be done. Therefore the war must be right. Like the convert entering the Roman Catholic church, the soldier entering the army must make the great decision and the great surrender once for all. By the very act of becoming a soldier he thereby gives up his right to individual judgment as to the righteousness or unrighteousness of whatever he may be required to do. As the church is the infallible judge of right and wrong for the good Catholic, so is the military authority for the good soldier. To question the judgment in one case is heresy, in the other insubordination. The pacifist is frank to say that he thinks it is more reasonable to accept the Church as the voice of God than the dictum of military authorities. Again, as related to this conception of Christianity as a way of life, there is the matter of the impossibility of reconciling the military machine, and its treatment of the individual, with the Christian teaching as to human value, and the supreme worth of personality. Military efficiency is attained by treating the individual soldier as merely a cog in the machine. The more completely the private in the ranks learns to keep his place as "only a cpg," and not a person, the more efficient will his service be. On the other hand, he is not only treated as a "thing" himself, but it is incumbent upon him, if he would be a good soldier, to treat his brother man who happens, because of the accident of birth to be on the other side, as a "thing" also. The pacifist has no more regard for mere physical existence than have many others. It is not what war does to a man's body, which makes it for us a weapon never to be used, but rather what it does to his soul, or to use the more modern term, to his personality. As has already been noted, the military method is based upon the transgression of two of the most sacred rights of humanity; first, the right of private judgment, and second, the right of every man to be treated as a person. It seems to us a mistaken idea to try to protect persons, or ideals, by a method which involves the desecration of that which is most sacred in personality, and the utter abandonment in practice of the very ideals we would defend. In a letter already referred to, the writer speaks of "war in the protection of good being less evil than acquiescence in the destuction of good." Those of us who hold to the interpretation which is being presented irt this paper, are far from believing that Christian men are ever justified in "acquiescence in the destruction of good." Our difference is one of method, not of end. We believe that it is incumbent upon every follower of Jesus, and upon every lover of humanity, to work for the overthrow of the evil which is just now so rampant in the world. But we must do it by Christian methods! As stated already, the real question at issue is not the abstract one of whether war is right or wrong, but rather "what the Christian program for the present involves." The friend whose letter has been quoted, also writes, "We are completely agreed, too, in our detestation of war, of its brutality, its inhumanity, its intolerable inconsistency." Now the pacifists of the country are thoroughly convinced that no program can possibly be Christian which of necessity involves "brutality, inhumanity and intolerable inconsistency." It seems to us that the Christian program must take as its ruling principle the words of Paul, (which, by the way, are

14) e Internationalist Page seventeen<br />

Christianity and Pacifism<br />

By R. B. Whitaker<br />

[One of the foremost ministers on th e Pacific Coast, a man of reputation<br />

for his "advanced" religious views, published in one of the most<br />

open?minded of the denominational journals a criticism of "Christian"<br />

pacifists. It was addressed in particular to one of these Christian pacifists,<br />

Rev. Robert Burdette Whitaker, of Paradise, Butte County, California,<br />

a nephew of Robert Whitaker of Los Gatos, and likewise an allround<br />

radical. Whitaker replied to this criticism in the following good<br />

tempered and well argued article. The editor of the denominational<br />

journal in which the criticism had appeared publicly stated that he thought<br />

in fairness he ought to publish the reply, that it was a thoroughly fit and<br />

an eminently able answer, but admitted that HE DID NOT DARE TO DO<br />

IT. And this editor, as his work shows, is not a coward. He has<br />

already risked his editorial head again and again by his refusal to join<br />

the war madness. His journal represents a church which boasts its<br />

independence, and claims the men and women who landed on Plymouth<br />

Rock as its own special possession because they were of its membership.<br />

Yet its constituency, made up largely of ministers, consented apparently<br />

without protest to this suppression of the article. In the interests of<br />

fair play, as an exhibit of how little the workers of the world can depend<br />

upon their "spiritual guides" for even decency in the discussion of<br />

economics, and as in itself a fine presentation of the CHRISTIAN CASE<br />

AGAINST WAR w e take pleasure in giving to our readers the rejected<br />

paper by Mr. Whitaker.]<br />

THE<br />

majority of the Christian leaders of the world are<br />

telling us that in the present crisis, the real question before<br />

us is not the academic one as to whether war is<br />

right or wrong, but the practical problem of what the Christian<br />

program for the present involves. Under existing conditions,<br />

they would have us believe that participation in the<br />

prosecution of the war is a necessary part of the Christian program.<br />

To an ever growing minority, this seems a mistaken judgment,<br />

especially as many of those who advocate this view go<br />

so far with us in their conception of the nature of Christian<br />

faith. Referring to a statement in "A Pacifist Confession of<br />

Faith", one friend recently said in a personal letter to the<br />

writer: "With all my soul I believe that 'the religion of Jesus<br />

was and is a way of life for the present, and not merely an<br />

ideal for the future,." <strong>No</strong>w it seems to the thorough-going<br />

pacifist that that one admission ought to make impossible the<br />

life of a soldier for any Christian disciple, for if there is any<br />

one thing which perhaps is more fundamental than all else<br />

in connection with "the Christian Way" it is the Way of Loyalty<br />

to Jesus as the supreme loyalty.<br />

In Him we see the very<br />

heart of God revealed to men, so that loyalty to Him is loyalty<br />

to the Father whom he reveals. Or perhaps it would have<br />

been a better stating of the case to have said that the supreme<br />

loyalty is loyalty to God as He is revealed in Jesus. The<br />

Christian's difficulty here with the whole war problem is, that<br />

military efficiency depends upon implicit obedience to<br />

authority as at all times the chief duty of a soldier.<br />

military<br />

A soldier in action can have no authority but that of his<br />

commanding officer. If in the course of the war he is commanded<br />

to assist in reprisals (merely a polite term for military<br />

retaliation) then he must not stop to think that Christ has<br />

forbidden any disciple of his to have anything to do with<br />

retaliation. Rather, he must obey without question. To state<br />

the matter plainly then, the question, "What Would Jesus<br />

Do?" is not one which it is allowable for a soldier to consider.<br />

A persistent asking of that question in the light of New Testament<br />

teaching would lead to insubordination and sedition on<br />

the part of the Christian members of our army; for there is<br />

much in modern warfare besides reprisals entirely out of keeping<br />

with the spirit of Jesus. It is only because for the period<br />

of the war, under cover of "military necessity," we allow the<br />

voice of the military authorities to become for us the voice of<br />

God, that we can prosecute the war at all. The reasoning<br />

of the average man runs about like this: It is absolutely<br />

necessary to overcome Germany. War is the only method by<br />

which this can be done. Therefore the war must be right. Like<br />

the convert entering the Roman Catholic church, the soldier<br />

entering the army must make the great decision and the great<br />

surrender once for all. By the very act of becoming a soldier<br />

he thereby gives up his right to individual judgment as to the<br />

righteousness or unrighteousness of whatever he may be required<br />

to do. As the church is the infallible judge of right<br />

and wrong for the good Catholic, so is the military authority<br />

for the good soldier. To question the judgment in one case is<br />

heresy, in the other insubordination. The pacifist is frank to<br />

say that he thinks it is more reasonable to accept the Church<br />

as the voice of God than the dictum of military authorities.<br />

Again, as related to this<br />

conception of Christianity as a way<br />

of life, there is the matter of the impossibility of reconciling<br />

the military machine, and its treatment of the individual, with<br />

the Christian teaching as to human value, and the supreme<br />

worth of personality. Military efficiency is attained by treating<br />

the individual soldier as merely a cog in the machine. The<br />

more completely the private in the ranks learns to keep his<br />

place as "only a cpg," and not a person, the more efficient<br />

will his service be. On the other hand, he is not only treated<br />

as a "thing" himself, but it is incumbent upon him, if he would<br />

be a good soldier, to treat his brother man who happens, because<br />

of the accident of birth to be on the other side, as a<br />

"thing" also.<br />

The pacifist has no more regard for mere physical existence<br />

than have many others. It is not what war does to a man's<br />

body, which makes it for us a weapon never to be used, but<br />

rather what it does to his soul, or to use the more modern<br />

term, to his personality. As has already been noted, the military<br />

method is based upon the transgression of two of the<br />

most sacred rights of humanity; first, the right of private<br />

judgment, and second, the right of every man to be treated<br />

as a person. It seems to us a mistaken idea to try to protect<br />

persons, or ideals, by a method which involves the desecration<br />

of that which is most sacred in personality, and the utter abandonment<br />

in practice of the very ideals we would defend.<br />

In a letter already referred to, the writer speaks of "war<br />

in the protection of good being less evil than acquiescence in<br />

the destuction of good." Those of us who hold to the interpretation<br />

which is being presented irt this paper, are far<br />

from believing that Christian men are ever justified in "acquiescence<br />

in the destruction of good." Our difference is one<br />

of method, not of end. We believe that it is incumbent upon<br />

every follower of Jesus, and upon every lover of humanity, to<br />

work for the overthrow of the evil which is just now so rampant<br />

in the world. But we must do it by Christian methods!<br />

As stated already, the real question at issue is not the abstract<br />

one of whether war is right or wrong, but rather "what the<br />

Christian program for the present involves." The friend<br />

whose letter has been quoted, also writes, "We are completely<br />

agreed, too, in our detestation of war, of its brutality, its inhumanity,<br />

its intolerable inconsistency."<br />

<strong>No</strong>w the pacifists of the country are thoroughly convinced<br />

that no program can possibly be Christian which of necessity<br />

involves "brutality, inhumanity and intolerable inconsistency."<br />

It seems to us that the Christian program must take as its<br />

ruling principle the words of Paul, (which, by the way, are

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