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1 Theorising Agency in International Relations In Hobbes's Wake ...

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evolved largely around the state of nature. 5<br />

I show how, on the one hand, the Hobbesian state of<br />

nature was the site of convergence of realism and rational choice theory that yielded the strong<br />

<strong>in</strong>dividualism characteristic of rationalist approaches. On the other hand it was also the battleground for<br />

efforts to reclaim Hobbes, which have drawn out his own emphasis on sociality and language. I also<br />

show how, notwithstand<strong>in</strong>g the school’s explicit departure from the so-called Hobbesian approaches,<br />

Hobbes’ legacy implicitly resurfaces <strong>in</strong> constructivist efforts to theorise the actor’s ‘self’, where the<br />

<strong>in</strong>dividual still largely rema<strong>in</strong>s the exemplar for expla<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g state behaviour. <strong>In</strong> clos<strong>in</strong>g, Carl Schmitt’s<br />

(2008) recently translated analysis of Hobbes’s treatise, which casts the focus upon Leviathan as a<br />

symbol, provides a useful bridge between, on the one hand, IR and political theory, and on the other,<br />

given his relations with realist thought, between a realist-rationalist and a more l<strong>in</strong>guistically-m<strong>in</strong>ded<br />

read<strong>in</strong>g of Hobbes.<br />

The second part of the paper <strong>in</strong>troduces the Lacanian conceptual battery around two key<br />

features of Lacan’s thought, the primacy of the signifier and the category of the symbolic. The latter<br />

concept establishes the two pillars upon which the argument itself subsequently turns, the collective<br />

and the <strong>in</strong>dividual levels. The first movement of the argument itself, which concerns the function of the<br />

symbol of the Leviathan at the collective level, is then developed <strong>in</strong> the third part of the paper. I show<br />

how what the Leviathan designates is the symbolic order at large, that is, the matrix underp<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g<br />

organized political life. <strong>In</strong> this light, the formulation of the problem of political order that is relevant to<br />

theoris<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>ter-state relations is to be found, I suggest, not <strong>in</strong> the state of nature, but <strong>in</strong> the other pole<br />

of the narrative. The symbol that Hobbes co<strong>in</strong>s reveals the political order stripped down to its bare<br />

5 One serious objection to my enterprise would the Sk<strong>in</strong>nerian <strong>in</strong>junction to read Hobbes aga<strong>in</strong>st his own<br />

historical context, which is a far cry from enterprises that ‘attempt to use his texts as a mirror to reflect<br />

back at ourselves our current assumptions and prejudices’ (Sk<strong>in</strong>ner 1996, 15). This, however, is a<br />

critique that would validly be addressed to the discipl<strong>in</strong>e as a whole which has constantly sought to<br />

reposition itself <strong>in</strong> relation to Hobbes. ‘The uses and abuses of Hobbes <strong>in</strong> IR’ to paraphrase Mark Heller<br />

(see also Jahn 2000), and the ways <strong>in</strong> which they have shaped the discipl<strong>in</strong>e’s th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g about agency, are<br />

explicitly my object here.<br />

5

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