Democracy Today.indb - Universidade do Minho
Democracy Today.indb - Universidade do Minho
Democracy Today.indb - Universidade do Minho
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That <strong>do</strong>es not mean we should reject “deliberative democracy” – it<br />
means we should recognize that this model places limits on what can<br />
be achieved regarding other attributes of democracy. Such conflicts are<br />
not peculiar to deliberation as distinct from other core democratic virtues.<br />
Costs and tensions cannot be disqualifying, or else there would be no<br />
acceptable model of democracy. Instead we consider the advantages<br />
and problems of different models, and this means normative debate<br />
about which attributes of democracy we should emphasize and why.<br />
There are many tensions among the main democratic virtues. For<br />
example, the commitment to agenda control, as an egalitarian project,<br />
means that the choice of subjects for more extensive political attention<br />
will be closely tied to the expressed preferences of individuals. This<br />
commitment, if put into practice at high levels, is apt to constrain<br />
deliberation. People want to shape the agenda to advance their own<br />
issues and claims – this may limit their willingness to engage in an<br />
open-ended process of deliberation with uncertain results. This tension<br />
can be banished if it is stipulated that people want to control<br />
the agenda simply in order to advance what they see as in the public<br />
interest. But this is an implausible account of any actual polity. Thus<br />
a strong commitment to agenda control is apt to limit the space for<br />
deliberation.<br />
If inclusion is taken as a central democratic virtue and it is interpreted<br />
as requiring measures that recognize political and cultural diversity,<br />
we have the basis for a distinctive model of democracy focused on<br />
recognition and on identities. Here conflicts will arise between the drive<br />
for recognition and the commitment to voting equality. An emphasis<br />
on inclusion is likely to mean that minorities will demand electoral<br />
and legal provisions that protect their practices and preferences. Such<br />
provisions usually give more weight to the votes of individuals in the<br />
protected groups than to others, at least on certain issues.<br />
The value of participation defines participatory models of democracy.<br />
At high levels, participation is likely to be in considerable tension<br />
with voting equality. This happens when participatory forms are<br />
given decision making power at the local or regional level. The votes<br />
of those citizens who are heavily engaged in the participatory schemes<br />
will count more than the votes of those citizens who are not similarly<br />
engaged. The most ambitious participatory budgeting schemes, for<br />
73<br />
DEMOCRATIC VIRTUES<br />
David Plotke