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Democracy Today.indb - Universidade do Minho

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That <strong>do</strong>es not mean we should reject “deliberative democracy” – it<br />

means we should recognize that this model places limits on what can<br />

be achieved regarding other attributes of democracy. Such conflicts are<br />

not peculiar to deliberation as distinct from other core democratic virtues.<br />

Costs and tensions cannot be disqualifying, or else there would be no<br />

acceptable model of democracy. Instead we consider the advantages<br />

and problems of different models, and this means normative debate<br />

about which attributes of democracy we should emphasize and why.<br />

There are many tensions among the main democratic virtues. For<br />

example, the commitment to agenda control, as an egalitarian project,<br />

means that the choice of subjects for more extensive political attention<br />

will be closely tied to the expressed preferences of individuals. This<br />

commitment, if put into practice at high levels, is apt to constrain<br />

deliberation. People want to shape the agenda to advance their own<br />

issues and claims – this may limit their willingness to engage in an<br />

open-ended process of deliberation with uncertain results. This tension<br />

can be banished if it is stipulated that people want to control<br />

the agenda simply in order to advance what they see as in the public<br />

interest. But this is an implausible account of any actual polity. Thus<br />

a strong commitment to agenda control is apt to limit the space for<br />

deliberation.<br />

If inclusion is taken as a central democratic virtue and it is interpreted<br />

as requiring measures that recognize political and cultural diversity,<br />

we have the basis for a distinctive model of democracy focused on<br />

recognition and on identities. Here conflicts will arise between the drive<br />

for recognition and the commitment to voting equality. An emphasis<br />

on inclusion is likely to mean that minorities will demand electoral<br />

and legal provisions that protect their practices and preferences. Such<br />

provisions usually give more weight to the votes of individuals in the<br />

protected groups than to others, at least on certain issues.<br />

The value of participation defines participatory models of democracy.<br />

At high levels, participation is likely to be in considerable tension<br />

with voting equality. This happens when participatory forms are<br />

given decision making power at the local or regional level. The votes<br />

of those citizens who are heavily engaged in the participatory schemes<br />

will count more than the votes of those citizens who are not similarly<br />

engaged. The most ambitious participatory budgeting schemes, for<br />

73<br />

DEMOCRATIC VIRTUES<br />

David Plotke

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