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Democracy Today.indb - Universidade do Minho

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managerial sciences, that is most commonly used in policy analyses<br />

and practices. As we accept here the constitutive capacity of representative<br />

practices, the ‘representative claim-model’ is much more apt<br />

to gain insight and theorize contemporary governance practices, than<br />

the principal-agent model. However much this theory seems to offer<br />

a new and inspiring perspective on representation in the governanceera,<br />

it should be noted that it might be overrated to assume that it is<br />

applicable to all governance practices. While it seems appropriate to<br />

call the claims arising in the border zone between state and society<br />

‘political representative claims’, this might be less the case for the<br />

claims arising in the border zone between state and market (Figure<br />

1). I will come back to this issue in the conclusion.<br />

Up till now I have presented the characteristics of ‘the representative<br />

claim’ and pointed to the fact that its aesthetic understanding implies<br />

that the representative has enough scope of manouevre at its disposal to<br />

determine partly the identity of the represented. This <strong>do</strong>es not answer<br />

yet the ‘legitimacy of what’-question. By opening up ‘political representation’<br />

to non-electoral representation, Saward has to attribute the<br />

assessment of legitimacy to the judgment of the actual constituency, i.e.<br />

the constituency that is intended by the claim plus the ones who “recognize<br />

their interests as being implicated in the claim” (2010,148). The<br />

ones partaking in the representational relationship is any self-claimed<br />

representative on the one hand and his supporting constituency on<br />

the other hand. This differs from electoral representation where the<br />

constituency encompasses every citizen in society and legitimacy is per<br />

definition coupled to the judgment of all citizens. By elaborating on the<br />

way representation functions and legitimacy is brought about in the<br />

government-model, I will argue that this difference gives us important<br />

insight into the legitimacy ‘deficit’ of governance practices.<br />

47<br />

GOVERNANCE<br />

THROUGH THE LENS OF<br />

REPRESENTATION<br />

Femmy Thewissen<br />

Representative democracy: state and society coupled in spatial<br />

and temporal sense<br />

In the previous section I have pointed to the fact that representation is<br />

presupposed in decision-making processes. The scrutiny of the characteristics<br />

of representation and Saward’s model of the representative

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