Democracy Today.indb - Universidade do Minho

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DEMOCRACY TODAY
a particular role or character (S), it recognizes the constitutive role of
representational relationships.
This definition not only gives insight to the aesthetic capacity of
representation, but also tries to capture the instance that is similar for
all representation-relations. Decoupled from any specific context or
institutional set-up it is applicable to an extensive possibility of cases
which can vary along the lines of formality, explicitness, externality,
generalness, and multiplicity (Saward 2010, 57-66). This broad applicability
is necessary in today’s context as “constituencies are no longer
only singular, territorial, fixed and possessed of transparent interests.
Rather ‘constituency’ is fluid, functional and cultural, permanent or
temporary, within or across borders, evoked as well as given” (Ibid.,
109). It is the contemporary situation that induces Saward to point to
the fact that much more cases than elections, can be seen as political
representation. In our analysis of democracy we should add nonelectoral
representative claims emanating “across societies, taking in
a range of ‘public’ and ‘private’ actors and organizations” (Ibid., 141)
to the classic representative model of elections. A popular example in
this regard is Bono’s representative claim in the Make Poverty History
campaign in 2004. “I represent a lot of people [in Africa] who have
no voice at all… They haven’t asked me to represent them. It’s cheeky
but I hope they are glad I do” (Saward 2008, 1). As constituencies are
more fluid and variable, Saward sees governance as a potential way of
complementing the shortcomings of electoral representation.
New modes of non-electoral citizen engagement and interaction with
policymakers and managers […] challenge received notions of public and
private in terms of who the makers and recipients of policy are. This opens
up new domains in which representation happens, or is claimed, by actors
and groups which seek legitimacy and access in these new governance
arrangements (Saward 2005, 182).
Furthermore, Saward also sees governance practices as possible
opportunities for empowerment. The importance of Saward’s view is
that he recognizes the representational relation that is behind any political
request for recognition of interests, identity, opinion, etc. Moreover,
we saw that he distances himself from the principal-agent view, of the