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Democracy Today.indb - Universidade do Minho

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26<br />

DEMOCRACY TODAY<br />

There are nations of Europe where an inhabitant considers himself a kind<br />

of colonist, indifferent to the destiny of the place that he inhabits. The greatest<br />

changes come about in his country without his concurrence; he <strong>do</strong>es<br />

not even know precisely what has taken place; he suspects; he has heard<br />

the event recounted by chance. Even more, the fortune of his village, the<br />

policing of his street, the fate of his church and of his presbytery <strong>do</strong> not<br />

touch him; he thinks that all these things <strong>do</strong> not concern him in any fashion<br />

and that they belong to a powerful foreigner called the government. For<br />

himself, he enjoys these goods as a tenant, without a spirit of ownership<br />

and without ideas of any improvement whatsoever. This disinterest in<br />

himself goes so far that if his own security or that of his children is finally<br />

compromised, instead of occupying himself with removing the danger, he<br />

crosses his arms to wait for the nation as a whole to come to his aid. Yet this<br />

man, although he has made such a complete sacrifice of his free will, likes<br />

obedience no more than any other. He submits, it is true, at the pleasure<br />

of a clerk; but it pleases him to defy the law like a defeated enemy, as soon<br />

as force is withdrawn. Thus one sees him swinging constantly between<br />

servitude and license. (2000, 88-89)<br />

The major point here, it should be clear, is that the lack of political<br />

engagement – instead of personal safety – symbolizes the state of<br />

slavery. It is the passivity of individuals in the face of their common<br />

affairs and the monopoly of political decision in the hand of administrative<br />

bureaus that render the political situation degraded and unstable.<br />

Tocqueville explicitly points out that this is a state of “servitude,” a<br />

term carrying special meanings with regard to its opposite – the state<br />

of free<strong>do</strong>m. For Tocqueville, indeed, free<strong>do</strong>m for modern Democratic<br />

society is first and foremost political free<strong>do</strong>m, the free<strong>do</strong>m to engage in<br />

politics actively. Besides, as Tocqueville points out, personal safety and<br />

affluence would not last long in a society in which everyone anticipates<br />

the state to take care of their own affairs. “Despotism all alone by itself<br />

can maintain nothing lasting.” (Tocqueville 2000, 89)<br />

While Tocqueville sees the dangerous tendencies of <strong>Democracy</strong>,<br />

there are certainly ways to bypass them. One ought to “instruct<br />

<strong>Democracy</strong>,” Tocqueville claims. And what he sees in America gives<br />

hope for the prospect of Democratic society. There, Tocqueville comments,<br />

an extreme “equality of conditions” is fairly combined with

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