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Democracy Today.indb - Universidade do Minho

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But Swift has fallen into a trap: although he speaks of ‘personal<br />

development’ as being an instrumental benefit, he then explains it<br />

terms of an intrinsic one, albeit using the term ‘outcomes’. The ‘outcome’<br />

of moral and intellectual development is instrumental in terms<br />

of its effect on decision-making (and hence on the quality of those<br />

selected to rule): the moral development is that through participation<br />

(and hearing the views of others) citizens will be less selfish and the<br />

intellectual development is that citizens will be ‘better at gathering and<br />

assessing information’ (Swift 2006: 218). In other words, participation<br />

is still (primarily) linked to its ability to produce better decisions<br />

rather than to its effect on citizens’ self-realisation. Thus while Swift<br />

acknowledges that participation ‘acts over time to change people for<br />

the better’ (Swift 2006: 219) he suggests, somewhat strangely, that<br />

someone who took part in politics only for self-development ‘wouldn’t<br />

be seriously engaging with the arguments of others, or responsibly<br />

exercising her agency as a member of her political community’ (Swift<br />

2006: 219). But surely this is in fact what we mean by participation<br />

– or at least, what we ought to mean if we are going to argue that participation<br />

has intrinsic value, that is, is a requirement of being fully<br />

human? If we <strong>do</strong> not mean this, then any kind of participation must<br />

be seen as contributing to self-realisation: participation in vigilante<br />

groups, separatist movements and organisations that discriminate<br />

on the basis of race, gender, nationality and so on would also qualify<br />

as an essential part of human flourishing. The point is that any definition<br />

of participation must include meaningful engagement with others<br />

where ‘meaningful’ necessarily entails certain conditions: we must<br />

engage with those with whom we disagree, substantive debate and/<br />

or action on collective political issues must occur under conditions of<br />

free<strong>do</strong>m and equality and participation must conform to the rule of<br />

law. These conditions are required if engagement is to contribute to<br />

moral self-development [6] .<br />

155<br />

DEMOCRATIC COMPROMISE<br />

OR COMPROMISING<br />

DEMOCRACY: RETHINKING<br />

PARTICIPATION<br />

Heidi Matisonn<br />

6<br />

In previous work I have argued that ‘participatory’ responses to crime in South Africa<br />

(in other words, non-state policing) can be categorised either as ‘responsible citizen<br />

responses’ or ‘autonomous citizen responses’. The former is where citizens seek to find<br />

solutions to crime and security concerns that are within the ambit of the law; the latter<br />

are generally characterised by reactive, ad hoc and often violent methods of control.

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