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Democracy Today.indb - Universidade do Minho

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expressed as a result of the actions and concerns of representatives.<br />

And this fact undermines the very notion of the idea of representatives<br />

directly tracking existing interests or identities.<br />

It follows from this that if group representation and representative<br />

institutions in general are to be free<strong>do</strong>m enhancing they cannot<br />

simply ‘track’ interests; rather, they must encourage the formation<br />

of new political interests, especially in conditions in which existing<br />

relations of power create or reinforce situations of <strong>do</strong>mination. The<br />

new interests will be free<strong>do</strong>m-enhancing if they enable groups to<br />

escape these situations of <strong>do</strong>mination. And therefore here the relationship<br />

between group representation and group free<strong>do</strong>m is one in<br />

which the free<strong>do</strong>m of the group is dependent upon whether or not<br />

the representative of the group can generate the right kinds of new<br />

interests and then defend them in the relevant formal institutions of<br />

representation. Depending on context this combines representation<br />

as aesthetic reflection, interest identification and even principal-agent<br />

representation.<br />

The conditions in South Africa today illustrate well these facts<br />

about interests and the shared shortcomings of the ‘aggregative and<br />

‘deliberative’ accounts of democracy: historical inequalities and the<br />

interests formed by conditions of poverty, crime, fear and the persistance<br />

of extreme inequalities cannot be overcome by means of representation<br />

simply ‘tracking’ interests (or post-deliberative interests). Since<br />

individual needs and interests are formed within particular institutional<br />

contexts and these contexts are, amongst either things, characterised by<br />

membership of cross-cutting groups and their representatives embedded<br />

in power relations which may or may not generate <strong>do</strong>mination, it<br />

follows that the individual power to act as one would otherwise act, to<br />

satisfy one’s needs, to evaluate and criticise the norms and institutions<br />

of one’s society and to control one’s economic and social environment<br />

depends upon four associated variables (or components of representation):<br />

a) the nature and relative power of the groups of which one is a<br />

member; b) the relationship of representation that exists between the<br />

members of the group and the group’s representatives; c) the relative<br />

power of the groups’ representatives; and d) the relationship between<br />

one’s groups’ representatives and the formal political representatives<br />

of one’s polity.<br />

141<br />

FREEDOM, POWER AND<br />

REPRESENTATION<br />

Lawrence Hamilton

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