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Democracy Today.indb - Universidade do Minho

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standard-bearers for his ‘negative’ conception of free<strong>do</strong>m, are ultimately<br />

concerned with whether or not someone is able to exercise his or her<br />

power to act, that is to bring something about, to <strong>do</strong> something.<br />

But it is in the work of Marx that we see the full efflorescence of the<br />

substantive, concrete account of modern free<strong>do</strong>m as power that underpins<br />

my argument here. Marx unequivocally identifies free<strong>do</strong>m with<br />

power. Unlike Berlin’s distinction between two concepts of free<strong>do</strong>m,<br />

Marx distinguishes three concepts of free<strong>do</strong>m. The first is what Marx<br />

associates with the anarchism of Max Stirner, but in today’s parlance<br />

we would call ‘negative’ free<strong>do</strong>m or the ‘free<strong>do</strong>m’ of libertarianism. [9]<br />

The second concept of free<strong>do</strong>m Marx discusses he identifies with<br />

Kant’s view of free<strong>do</strong>m and which he defines as the ability a creature<br />

has to make its own decisions, or govern itself. [10] The third concept is<br />

the one Marx calls the ‘materialist’ notion of free<strong>do</strong>m that identifies<br />

free<strong>do</strong>m with power and that he thinks is the full, sophisticated notion.<br />

He argues that in this account, free<strong>do</strong>m comprises the ‘the conjunction<br />

of the ability to determine what one will <strong>do</strong> and the power to <strong>do</strong><br />

what one decides to <strong>do</strong>’, and anything less than this is a mere sha<strong>do</strong>w<br />

of the concept of free<strong>do</strong>m. [11] This means that for Marx the other two<br />

concepts he discusses, and a fortiori the main three concepts analysed<br />

in the modern literature, are poor approximations of this real form of<br />

free<strong>do</strong>m.<br />

Another way of construing the importance of this more substantive<br />

account of free<strong>do</strong>m is that it provides a means of thinking about<br />

how free<strong>do</strong>m relates to the exercise of our powers as individuals and<br />

how we are enabled and disabled by a variety of internal and external<br />

abilities, obstacles, mechanisms and power relations. This is something,<br />

again, that a number of other thinkers have identified and stressed from<br />

a wide range of political perspectives. Here free<strong>do</strong>m is conceived as<br />

‘effective power’, that is, free<strong>do</strong>m is rightly identified as a precondition<br />

131<br />

FREEDOM, POWER AND<br />

REPRESENTATION<br />

Lawrence Hamilton<br />

9<br />

Marx and Engels, The German Ideology, in MECW, Vol 5 (Lawrence and Wishart 1976),<br />

pp. 304-6.<br />

10<br />

Ibid., pp. 193-5. For Kant, free<strong>do</strong>m is the mere ability to determine the will, irrespective<br />

of whether this is even translated into actual action in the world. Geuss, Politics and the<br />

Imagination (Princeton UP 2009), p. 57.<br />

11<br />

Marx and Engels, The German Ideology, pp. 305-6; quote is from Geuss, ‘Metaphysics<br />

of Right’, p. 57.

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