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Democracy Today.indb - Universidade do Minho

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Free<strong>do</strong>m as Power<br />

The account of free<strong>do</strong>m as power that underpins this argument is<br />

distinct from both the Liberal and Republican mainstream in that it<br />

<strong>do</strong>es not reduce free<strong>do</strong>m to one defining feature, be that mere absence<br />

of (external) impediments, the ability to decide for oneself what to <strong>do</strong><br />

(self-determination) or active citizenship within a free state. These are<br />

Berlin’s ‘negative’ and ‘positive’ conceptions of free<strong>do</strong>m and the rival<br />

Republican account respectively. [3] Rather, this alternative account of<br />

free<strong>do</strong>m rejects the common tendency to favour a minimalist conception<br />

of free<strong>do</strong>m above a realistic one. It captures the substantive, concrete<br />

nature of free<strong>do</strong>m by identifying free<strong>do</strong>m with power in at least one<br />

important way. When I say ‘I am free’ normally I am not saying, ‘I am<br />

externally unimpeded’ or ‘I am self-determining’; no, what I usually<br />

mean is ‘I am free to <strong>do</strong> X’ which concretely means ‘I have the power<br />

or ability to <strong>do</strong> X’. So real modern free<strong>do</strong>m here is identified with and<br />

as power in that it conceives of free<strong>do</strong>m as a combination of my ability<br />

to determine what I will <strong>do</strong> and my power to <strong>do</strong> it or bring it about.<br />

This way of thinking about free<strong>do</strong>m chimes very well with a<br />

number of the reasons and concerns that have driven most, if not all,<br />

of the various struggles for free<strong>do</strong>m across the ages, from the sharp<br />

distinction between free<strong>do</strong>m and slavery in Antiquity and beyond, and<br />

the various associated slave revolts, via the myriad liberation struggles<br />

against colonialism, apartheid, and <strong>do</strong>mination based on race, gender<br />

or class (or some mixture of all of these), to the everyday attempts to<br />

gain more independence and free<strong>do</strong>m from others, the state, the law,<br />

poverty or crime. In other words, it captures well an important fact<br />

about human existence: people are interested in free<strong>do</strong>m as a human<br />

ideal, goal or aspiration not in and of itself but because it is thought to<br />

be connected with the actual attainment of ‘something’, that is, some<br />

good or set of goods; and the actual attainment of that ‘something’<br />

depends on my having the power to attain it. The liberation struggle<br />

in South Africa did not have as its goal the abstract idea of being<br />

129<br />

FREEDOM, POWER AND<br />

REPRESENTATION<br />

Lawrence Hamilton<br />

3<br />

Berlin, ‘Two Concepts of Liberty’, Four Essays on Liberty (OUP 1996), pp. 118-172; Skinner,<br />

‘The Idea of negative Liberty’, Vision of Politics Vol II (CUP 2002), pp. 160-185; Pettit,<br />

Republicanism; Taylor, ‘What’s Wrong With Negative Liberty?’, The Idea of Free<strong>do</strong>m, ed.<br />

Ryan (OUP 1979), pp. 175-93.

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