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Democracy Today.indb - Universidade do Minho

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128<br />

DEMOCRACY TODAY<br />

representation emerge. It should therefore come as no surprise that<br />

accounts of political representation have generally been conceived in<br />

similarly stark terms: either representation of the state or representation<br />

of individuals’ opinions or preferences; or, in other words, the<br />

representation of ‘unity’ – the collective whole and its interests – or<br />

extreme ‘diversity’ – directly tracking the expressed interests of the<br />

represented (usually via some means of aggregation). [2]<br />

With reference to South Africa I argue here that we can enhance<br />

our understanding of free<strong>do</strong>m and representative democracy if we<br />

buck this trend of reducing free<strong>do</strong>m and representation to the level of<br />

either that of the individual or that of the state. Rather, a more realistic<br />

conception of both emerges if we focus our attention on the free<strong>do</strong>m<br />

and representation of groups that cut across not only one another but<br />

also the various ways in which individuals and states are represented.<br />

This is only possible, however, on the basis of a more substantive and<br />

concrete account of free<strong>do</strong>m than is the norm within contemporary<br />

political philosophy, an account in which free<strong>do</strong>m is understood not<br />

exclusively in terms of the lack of humanly-generated impediments<br />

(the liberal position) or living freely within free states (the republican<br />

version), but in terms of free<strong>do</strong>m of action, or more particularly<br />

in terms of the power to act and the requirements for that power. I<br />

then go on to argue that groups can be agents, and even when they<br />

are not agents themselves their representatives give them agency;<br />

and the dynamics of this relationship of representation is one vital<br />

determinant of a group’s free<strong>do</strong>m. The main claim I defend, following<br />

aesthetic accounts of representation, is that the free<strong>do</strong>m of the group<br />

is dependent upon whether or not the representative of the group<br />

can generate the right kinds of new interests and then defend them in<br />

the relevant formal institutions of representation. Representation is<br />

thereby a central component of individuals, groups and states powers<br />

to act. Like individuals and states, since groups can be represented,<br />

they can be more or less free.<br />

2<br />

For examples of the former, see Hobbes, Leviathan, pp. 121, 128, 184; Burke, ‘Speech to<br />

the Electors of Bristol’, in Selected Works of Edmund Burke (Liberty Fund 1999); Rousseau,<br />

Social Contract, pp. 41, 58-65; Siéyès, Political Writings, ed. M. Sonenscher (Hackett 2003).<br />

For examples of the latter, see Dahl, <strong>Democracy</strong> and its Critics (Yale UP 1989); Przeworski,<br />

Stokes and Manin, <strong>Democracy</strong>, Accountability and Representation (CUP 1999), p. 2.

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