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Democracy Today.indb - Universidade do Minho

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114<br />

DEMOCRACY TODAY<br />

which makes it all the more surprising that the vast application and<br />

recognised importance for a democracy is not matched by equal concern<br />

about what its central features are. For example, “The Encyclopedia<br />

of <strong>Democracy</strong>” (1995) <strong>do</strong>es not even list the term. [3]<br />

When trying to find a definition, the first hurdle to overcome is<br />

the widespread use of different expressions: Everything from “public<br />

sphere” and “public space” to “public realm” and even simply “public”<br />

is employed, as well as the closely related term “public opinion”. From<br />

now on, the expression “public realm” shall be a<strong>do</strong>pted, following<br />

Hannah Arendt in her seminal work “The Human Condition” (1973).<br />

This is not only justified because she is perhaps the most consequent<br />

theorist of the public realm in relation to antiquity, but also because<br />

it demarcates the concept from the public sphere whose meaning is<br />

usually strongly linked to Jürgen Habermas’ influential study “The<br />

Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere” (1991). In his work, the<br />

public sphere refers to a space between state and society in which civil<br />

society debates and reflects upon public concerns in an open, mostly<br />

unstructured environment. As will be shown, this notion is different<br />

from its meaning in the context of ancient Athens, where the public<br />

realm formed the focal point of the community and was structured in<br />

several ways. [4] The political reality there, 2’500 years ago, is now to be<br />

described in order to highlight the central features of a public realm (if<br />

not indicated differently, the description follows Bleicken 1995).<br />

For some 150 years, Athenian democracy was characterised by<br />

an outstanding amount of participation by its citizens. The two main<br />

democratic institutions were the plenary assembly and the courts.<br />

Both were ascribed detailed proceedings and competences and also a<br />

corresponding site where meetings were held and which was physically<br />

defined. [5] To prevent a single person or a faction from <strong>do</strong>minating<br />

3<br />

A glance at various encyclopaedias of democracy or political science in general reveals<br />

that the term ‘public sphere’, or a close correlate, is usually granted minor attention – if<br />

listed at all – with respect to the more <strong>do</strong>minant expression of ‘public opinion’.<br />

4<br />

It is remarkable that this difference in conclusion is contrasted by a great deal of agreement<br />

regarding the analysis of the problem, especially that the public sphere has increasingly<br />

been invaded by intimate and economic elements which in antiquity were ascribed<br />

to the private realm (oikos) (e.g. Habermas 1991: 57/76/262, Arendt 2002: 39/60/88/157).<br />

5<br />

The plenary assembly originally met at the agora but had to change site, because it became<br />

too small as more people were enabled to participate. They moved to the Pnyx that allowed

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