The Psychology of Creativity:

The Psychology of Creativity: The Psychology of Creativity:

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History of Creativity Research 10 been echoed many times since, from Seneca’s (n.d./1932) “no great genius has ever existed without some touch of madness” (p. 285) to Shakespeare’s “The lunatic, the lover, and the poet/ Are of imagination all compact” (quoted in Browning, 1986, p. 77). Two events enhanced the popularity of this mad-genius hypothesis. The first was the advent of the Romantic movement at the end of the 17th century and the beginning of the 18th. The Romantics exalted creative genius, giving it something of the mystery it had lost. However, rather than return to the religious or spiritual conception of creativity, the Romantics viewed it in more psychopathological terms. This conception is most conspicuous in the place that psychoactive drugs had in creative inspiration. For instance, Coleridge’s Preface to “Kubla Khan” claimed that he conceived this poetic masterpiece in an opium stupor. Yet the evidence from surviving manuscripts indicate quite the contrary (Schneider, 1953). Coleridge presumably distorted the poem’s origins because it would enhance its stature as a creative product, not detract from its apparent merits. Almost simultaneous with the Romantic movement was a second, totally unrelated event: Philippe Pinel initiated a total reform of French mental institutions. This reform affected not just therapeutic techniques but the theory of mental disease besides. Rather than being perceived as a form of demonic possession, mental illness would become attributed to naturalistic causes, whether biological or psychological. During the course of the 19th century, psychiatry would develop as a formal discipline, following upon the footsteps of such French pioneers as Jean Martin Charcot and Pierre Janet. Psychiatry combined an interest in the abnormal mind with expertise in neurology, including pathologies of the nervous system. Increasingly, certain neurological disorders were lined with both positive outcomes, like genius, and negative outcomes, like crime. For example, the Italian criminologist Cesare Lombroso (1891) proposed in his The Man of Genius exceptional achievement was based on a “degenerative psychosis” of the “epileptic group.” Because nervous pathologies were often ascribed to genetic deficiencies, madness and genius would sometimes be seen as having a common genetic foundation. Thus, an article published in the reputable Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease listed the four possible repercussions of a single congenital defect: First, and most prominent in the order of frequency is an early death. Second, he may help swell the criminal ranks. Third, he may become mentally deranged and ultimately find his way into a hospital for the insane. Fourth, and least frequently, he startles the world by an invention or discovery in science or by an original composition of great merit in art, music or literature. He is then styled a genius. (Babcock, 1895, p. 752)

History of Creativity Research 11 Admittedly, not everyone believed that creative geniuses were necessarily mad. Instead, many held a position closer to Dryden’s (1681) lines “Great Wits are sure to Madness near ally’d,/ And thin Partitions do their Bounds divide” (p. 6). A case in point is William James (1902) who, in his The Varieties of Religious Experience, remarked: The nature of genius has been illuminated by the attempts … to class it with psychopathological phenomena. Borderline insanity, crankiness, insane temperament, less of mental balance, psychopathic degeneration (to use a few of the many synonyms by which it has been called), has certain peculiarities and liabilities which, when combined with a superior quality of intellect in an individual, make it more probable that he will make his mark and affect his age, than if his temperament were less neurotic. (pp. 22-23) But given the date of this quotation, we now find ourselves in the next century of this historical narrative. The 20th Century Prior to World War II: Creativity as a Peripheral Topic Creativity seems to have declined as a core research topic in the early years of the 20th century. The subject of genius did a little better, in part because of the continuing tradition established by Francis Galton. For instance, Lewis Terman (1925), after replacing Galton’s “anthropometric” instruments with Alfred Binet’s psychometric measures, was able to give natural ability, or intelligence, a stronger scientific basis. This shift also allowed Terman to define genius in terms of a specific score on an “IQ test” in a very Galtonian manner (see also Cox, 1926; Hollingworth, 1942). Terman’s IQ-based operational definition even made it into the English dictionaries. Thus, according to the American Heritage Electronic Dictionary (1992), a genius is “a person who has an exceptionally high intelligence quotient, typically above 140.” Only much later was it realized that the IQ definition of genius rendered the concept almost entirely irrelevant to the understanding of creativity (Gardner, 1983; Simonton, 1999a; Sternberg & Lubart, 1995). Why was creativity neglected in the early part of the 20th century? I suspect the reason was the rise of schools in the history of psychology. Each school began with distinct tenets, and fought to secure the allegiance of all psychologists. Unfortunately, the focus of each school seemed to be placed on highly prominent phenomena that seem most fundamental to the young science. And creativity was not on anyone’s list of basic phenomena. Nonetheless, major figures active in some of the rival schools would sometimes touch upon creativity or related

History <strong>of</strong> <strong>Creativity</strong> Research 11<br />

Admittedly, not everyone believed that creative geniuses were necessarily mad. Instead, many held a<br />

position closer to Dryden’s (1681) lines “Great Wits are sure to Madness near ally’d,/ And thin Partitions do their<br />

Bounds divide” (p. 6). A case in point is William James (1902) who, in his <strong>The</strong> Varieties <strong>of</strong> Religious Experience,<br />

remarked:<br />

<strong>The</strong> nature <strong>of</strong> genius has been illuminated by the attempts … to class it with psychopathological<br />

phenomena. Borderline insanity, crankiness, insane temperament, less <strong>of</strong> mental balance, psychopathic<br />

degeneration (to use a few <strong>of</strong> the many synonyms by which it has been called), has certain peculiarities and<br />

liabilities which, when combined with a superior quality <strong>of</strong> intellect in an individual, make it more probable<br />

that he will make his mark and affect his age, than if his temperament were less neurotic. (pp. 22-23)<br />

But given the date <strong>of</strong> this quotation, we now find ourselves in the next century <strong>of</strong> this historical narrative.<br />

<strong>The</strong> 20th Century Prior to World War II:<br />

<strong>Creativity</strong> as a Peripheral Topic<br />

<strong>Creativity</strong> seems to have declined as a core research topic in the early years <strong>of</strong> the 20th century. <strong>The</strong><br />

subject <strong>of</strong> genius did a little better, in part because <strong>of</strong> the continuing tradition established by Francis Galton. For<br />

instance, Lewis Terman (1925), after replacing Galton’s “anthropometric” instruments with Alfred Binet’s<br />

psychometric measures, was able to give natural ability, or intelligence, a stronger scientific basis. This shift also<br />

allowed Terman to define genius in terms <strong>of</strong> a specific score on an “IQ test” in a very Galtonian manner (see also<br />

Cox, 1926; Hollingworth, 1942). Terman’s IQ-based operational definition even made it into the English<br />

dictionaries. Thus, according to the American Heritage Electronic Dictionary (1992), a genius is “a person who has<br />

an exceptionally high intelligence quotient, typically above 140.” Only much later was it realized that the IQ<br />

definition <strong>of</strong> genius rendered the concept almost entirely irrelevant to the understanding <strong>of</strong> creativity (Gardner,<br />

1983; Simonton, 1999a; Sternberg & Lubart, 1995).<br />

Why was creativity neglected in the early part <strong>of</strong> the 20th century? I suspect the reason was the rise <strong>of</strong><br />

schools in the history <strong>of</strong> psychology. Each school began with distinct tenets, and fought to secure the allegiance <strong>of</strong><br />

all psychologists. Unfortunately, the focus <strong>of</strong> each school seemed to be placed on highly prominent phenomena that<br />

seem most fundamental to the young science. And creativity was not on anyone’s list <strong>of</strong> basic phenomena.<br />

Nonetheless, major figures active in some <strong>of</strong> the rival schools would sometimes touch upon creativity or related

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