FAMILIAL ADAPTATIONS TO THE INTERNATIONALIZATION OF ...
FAMILIAL ADAPTATIONS TO THE INTERNATIONALIZATION OF ... FAMILIAL ADAPTATIONS TO THE INTERNATIONALIZATION OF ...
" i .... : " • • -3-" .. pipiarilyprof -- es-ionals -and -toalesser .. - 'w- orkers.. # During the .sk-i'l.dlextentlrelatdiveloil borm of the 1970s, the demand unskilled for both skilled labour increased and dramatically, construction drawing a large workers number and agricultural of labourers from Emigrating Egypt's rural citizens areas. now include unskilled, semiskilled,, as and well skilled as professional. workers technica1, S. and destinations administrative of these staff. citizens The has also shifted Whereas over in the 1976 past Libya few'years. attracted the highest number of Egyptian (40% as migrants, compared with 35% for Saudi Arabia * and 1980s ll%Vfor Saudi Kuwait), Arabia by occupied'first' the early place, receiving labour', 32% of. followed Egypt's migrant by Iraq with 25%, Libya with 18% and Kuwait with 12% (El-Gably 1983:88). Unlike of the inter-Arab . 1960s, long-term migration or permanent during migration the 1970s of has the consisted 1 950s and (UN largely 1982:40). of temporary Moreover, flows labour migration to the oil-exporting countries has been male-dominated, pattern of the departure Several factors of have men, contributed leaving behind'women to thle and Veneral" related to",the, children.. labour-importing Factors 'countries include these countries' A restrictions on permanent employers' migration unwil-lingness and citizenship, to' provide as well housing as prospective and 'their transportation Egyptian workers funds for (Khattab and. El Daeif 1982). Since . .. igration . . has been. Egyptian by and labour large, of the - people "'foraging"type migrate (accord,nin for tofwhi the accomplishment ch of specific goals time within period a and specific then return hor4 , lone male econdmically:,dependent migrant workers, m'unhampered family members, 'by have the'opportunity their savings to and' expedite maximize, ,,their re.urn home. Leaving ]i~behid women, has ,\additional and children perceived' be'iefits, production including the J/nd'cfamily management property ' of (where applicable) at behind Women also ensure l ft' the .hoe. supervison of children's education igenerally, an the reproductijon of Egypt's labour. In cz.ses where , single female professionals seek employmenttheir in the 'd~bartiure PPC, from 'Egypt - gov ernment's has., often' stipulation been tha restrictedA theybe by accompanied 'the host'cJ by a maHram relative),,: (a male thereby blood reinforcing mile'icontrol over worinrTHtem' Less 1983:11). privileged single, women,, seeking 'empgloyment ,are prey 'inthe oil-rich countries to; a systemiof disguised Slavery. V11Wariiings~ ~Egyptian of, the' escape servants, -,of,''
-4- e .loyed, inte ehscoun ty,someido.-not ... Unab e to -to1erate their-obv hus- economic dependence on their wives, a clear role reversal, such unemployed husbands are ikely to attempt to ensu,: their authority within the -family through irrational demands-, thus contributing to a tension-ridden family life. There hdve been several explanations for the trend of labour exodus. While there is general agreement that, from the perspective of individuals and families, migration" provides an opportunity to resolve intensifying family-centered economic crises, there are varied interpretations of, the broader economic, social, and political concomitants of migration. Some observers explain migration in light of market forces of supply and demand. Other sociai commentators explain Egyptian labour export as rooted in the political economy of dependent capitalist development and unequal exchange. Th'e latter explanation recognizes the dialectical responses to global forces affecting Egyptian economy and society. Consequently, migration within the Arab world is perceived as a component of a broad complex. df transformations , involving economic, political, social, and ideological iorces, notably those related to Egypt's more recent and more complete reintegration into the world capitalist economy within the framework -,of the Open Door Economic Policies IODEP) (a market-oriented capitalist development strategy). The ODEP increased Egypt's "openness" to the structural constraints imposed by the international capitalist market, in, particular the restriction of the . development of the productive industrial sector. The supply and demand argument is exemplified by the statement that Egypt's position as a major donfr to other Arab States is due to a particular mix of supply and demand relationships. On the supply side, three factors stand out ...- an extensive Egyptian infrastructure ...., limited domestic opportunities for ... empIloyment ... social equity programs of the government and its commitment to the "expansion of the country's educational base irrespective of employment opportunities. , On the demand side, the most important factors economic are incentives 'the in Arab states .... These were reinforced by the petroleum crisis of October 1973 ... and the generation of 'surplus revenue which provided greater impetus for migration (Choukri' 1977:423-24)". The idea of an Egyptian labour "surplus",-, undermines. the. capacity of Egypt's underdeveloped capitalist. sector to absorb informal sector ~'~'~' occupations ;(cf. 'Hammam' 198,1:9). -It also' undermines the iselectivity~of labour importation. Given this selectivity (increasingly limited in recent, ~~ years),zh mpact of 'migrat-ion on 'the, shortage of skilled labour has been ~~ -immense..(Birks Vand Sinclair) 1982:0). While 5 e relation of migrant skilled ~ aouto total employment "'is almost irrelevant, its relation to domestic ~2~V~;~mderl secto emlyeti rucial (bd.. It should be noted that ra~oo the kle migrant labour to the total pool' 'has been on-they increase . ....."'V• g '...ṗ r~'~';'V~VV V~"'V Vj '~ ~ '','~ V'
- Page 1 and 2: FAMILIAL ADAPTATIONS TO THE INTERNA
- Page 3: -2 section of the paper focuses o
- Page 7 and 8: -6- The continuing debate about the
- Page 9 and 10: -8 individuals enjoy considerable
- Page 11 and 12: -10- Social Consequences of Labour
- Page 13 and 14: -12 turn resulted in the reductio
- Page 15 and 16: -14- The economic independence of m
- Page 17 and 18: -16- Moreover, it has been argued t
- Page 19 and 20: -18 observations in the village o
- Page 21 and 22: -20- Migrants' remittances may allo
- Page 23 and 24: -22- Within the framework of the OD
- Page 25 and 26: -24 8 An extreme example is the i
- Page 27 and 28: -26 1983 The Dynamics of Contempo
- Page 29 and 30: -28- Suleiman, Muhamad 1983 The Cha
-4-<br />
e .loyed, inte ehscoun ty,someido.-not ... Unab e to -to1erate their-obv hus-<br />
economic dependence on their wives, a clear role reversal, such unemployed<br />
husbands are ikely to attempt to ensu,: their authority within the -family<br />
through irrational demands-, thus contributing to a tension-ridden family<br />
life.<br />
There hdve been several explanations for the trend of labour exodus.<br />
While there is general agreement that, from the perspective of individuals<br />
and families, migration" provides an opportunity to resolve intensifying<br />
family-centered economic crises, there are varied interpretations of, the<br />
broader economic, social, and political concomitants of migration. Some<br />
observers explain migration in light of market forces of supply and demand.<br />
Other sociai commentators explain Egyptian labour export as rooted in the<br />
political economy of dependent capitalist development and unequal exchange.<br />
Th'e latter explanation recognizes the dialectical responses to global forces<br />
affecting Egyptian economy and society. Consequently, migration within the<br />
Arab world is perceived as a component of a broad complex. df transformations ,<br />
involving economic, political, social, and ideological iorces, notably those<br />
related to Egypt's more recent and more complete reintegration into the<br />
world capitalist economy within the framework -,of the Open Door Economic<br />
Policies IODEP) (a market-oriented capitalist development strategy). The<br />
ODEP increased Egypt's "openness" to the structural constraints imposed by<br />
the international capitalist market, in, particular the restriction of the .<br />
development of the productive industrial sector. The supply and demand<br />
argument is exemplified by the statement that<br />
Egypt's position as a major donfr to other Arab States is due<br />
to a particular mix of supply and demand relationships. On the<br />
supply side, three factors stand out ...- an extensive Egyptian<br />
infrastructure ...., limited domestic opportunities for ...<br />
empIloyment ... social equity programs of the government and its<br />
commitment to the "expansion of the country's educational base<br />
irrespective of employment opportunities.<br />
, On the demand side, the most important factors<br />
economic<br />
are<br />
incentives<br />
'the<br />
in Arab states .... These were reinforced by<br />
the petroleum crisis of October 1973 ... and the generation of<br />
'surplus revenue which provided greater impetus for migration<br />
(Choukri' 1977:423-24)".<br />
The idea of an Egyptian labour "surplus",-, undermines. the. capacity of<br />
Egypt's underdeveloped capitalist. sector to absorb informal sector<br />
~'~'~' occupations ;(cf. 'Hammam' 198,1:9). -It also' undermines the iselectivity~of<br />
labour importation. Given this selectivity (increasingly limited in recent,<br />
~~ years),zh mpact of 'migrat-ion on 'the, shortage of skilled labour has been<br />
~~ -immense..(Birks Vand Sinclair) 1982:0). While 5 e relation of migrant skilled<br />
~ aouto total employment "'is almost irrelevant, its relation to domestic<br />
~2~V~;~mderl secto emlyeti rucial (bd.. It should be noted that<br />
ra~oo<br />
the<br />
kle migrant labour to the total pool' 'has been on-they increase<br />
. ....."'V• g '...ṗ<br />
r~'~';'V~VV V~"'V Vj '~ ~ '','~<br />
V'
Change language