A Study of Ancient Greek Inscriptions on Attic Vases - Florida State ...
A Study of Ancient Greek Inscriptions on Attic Vases - Florida State ...
A Study of Ancient Greek Inscriptions on Attic Vases - Florida State ...
Create successful ePaper yourself
Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.
The <strong>Florida</strong> <strong>State</strong> University<br />
College <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Arts and Sciences<br />
Lingering Words:<br />
A <str<strong>on</strong>g>Study</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>Ancient</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>Inscripti<strong>on</strong>s</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>on</strong> <strong>Attic</strong> <strong>Vases</strong><br />
By<br />
Kathleen E. Clifford<br />
A Thesis submitted to the<br />
Department <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Classics<br />
In partial fulfillment <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
Requirements for the degree <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
Master <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Arts<br />
Degree Awarded:<br />
Fall Semester, 2007<br />
Copyright © 2007<br />
Kathleen E. Clifford<br />
All Rights Reserved
The members <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Committee approve the thesis <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Kathleen E. Clifford defended <strong>on</strong><br />
April 19, 2007.<br />
_________________________________<br />
Laurel Fulkers<strong>on</strong><br />
Pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>essor Directing Thesis<br />
_________________________________<br />
Christopher Pfaff<br />
Committee Member<br />
_________________________________<br />
James Sickinger<br />
Committee Member<br />
The Office <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Graduate Studies has verified and approved the above named committee<br />
members.<br />
ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS<br />
List <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Figures<br />
Abstract<br />
iv<br />
vi<br />
Introducti<strong>on</strong> 1<br />
1. Signatures 7<br />
2. Kalos <str<strong>on</strong>g>Inscripti<strong>on</strong>s</str<strong>on</strong>g> 15<br />
3. Bubble <str<strong>on</strong>g>Inscripti<strong>on</strong>s</str<strong>on</strong>g> 26<br />
4. Capti<strong>on</strong>s, Labels, Toasts, and Comments 32<br />
5. N<strong>on</strong>sense <str<strong>on</strong>g>Inscripti<strong>on</strong>s</str<strong>on</strong>g> 40<br />
C<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong> 47<br />
Appendix A 49<br />
References 64<br />
Biographical Sketch 68<br />
iii
LIST OF FIGURES<br />
1. Red-figure aryballos by Douris, 500-470 BCE<br />
(ARV 2 447.274) 50<br />
2. Red-figure cup by Douris, 500-480 BCE<br />
(ARV 2 431.48) 50<br />
3. Red-figure cup by Euphr<strong>on</strong>ios, 520-500 BCE<br />
(ARV 2 16.17) 51<br />
4. Transcripti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a red-figure amphora by The Kleophrades Painter,<br />
500-490 BCE (ARV 2 193) 51<br />
5. Red-figure cup by The Eleusis Painter, ca. 480 BCE<br />
(ARV 2 314.2) 52<br />
6. Detail <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> psykter by Smikros, 510-500 BCE<br />
(BAdd 395) 52<br />
7. Red-Figure cup by The Thalia Painter, late 6 th century BCE<br />
(ARV 2 113.7) 53<br />
8. Red-figure cup by The Eleusis Painter, late 6 th to early 5 th century BCE<br />
(ARV 2 315.2) 53<br />
9. Red-figure bellkrater attributed to The Orestes Painter, ca. 450 BCE<br />
(ARV 2 1113.10) 54<br />
10. Panathenaic amphora by The Euphiletos Painter, ca. 530 BCE<br />
(ABV 322.1) 54<br />
11. Panathenaic type amphora, 500-490 BCE<br />
(ABV 671) 55<br />
12. Red-figure cup by Oltos, 530-500 BCE<br />
(ARV 2 58.53) 55<br />
13. Black-figure amphora by Exekias, 550-530 BCE<br />
(ABV 145.13) 56<br />
14. Red-figure cup by Euthymides, 530-500 BCE<br />
(ARV 2 21.1) 56<br />
15. Black-figure oinochoe by The Athena Painter, 500-450 BCE<br />
(Para 183.22 bis) 57<br />
16. Transcripti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a red-figure cup by Oltos, 530-500 BCE<br />
(ARV 2 58.51) 57<br />
17. Red-figure pelike by The Pi<strong>on</strong>eer Group, 530-500 BCE<br />
(ARV 2 1594.48) 58<br />
18. Black-figure amphora by The Leagros Group, 530-500 BCE<br />
(Boardman 212) 58<br />
19. Black-figure dinos by Sophilos, ca. 580 BCE<br />
(ABV 39.16) 59<br />
20. Red-figure psykter by Oltos, 530-500 BCE<br />
(ARV 2 54.7) 59<br />
21. Detail <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a Panathenaic amphora from The Burg<strong>on</strong> Group, ca. 560 BCE<br />
(ABV 89.1) 60<br />
iv
22. The François Vase, 570 BCE<br />
(ABV 76.1) 60<br />
23. Red-figure psykter by Euphr<strong>on</strong>ios, 530-500 BCE<br />
(ARV 2 16.15) 61<br />
24. Red-figure hydria by Phintias, 530-500 BCE<br />
(ARV 2 23.7) 61<br />
25. Red-figure alabastra from the group <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> The Paidikos Alabastra, 530-500 BCE<br />
(ARV 2 99.7) 62<br />
26. Red-figure psykter by Euthymides, 530-500 BCE<br />
(ARV 2 28.11) 62<br />
27. Red-figure amphora by Euthymides, late 6 th century BCE<br />
(ARV 2 26.1) 63<br />
28. Red-figure amphora in the manner <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Euphr<strong>on</strong>ios, 490 BCE<br />
(ARV 2 18.1) 63<br />
29. Black-figure cup from a private collecti<strong>on</strong> in Athens, ca. 540 BCE 64<br />
v
ABSTRACT<br />
The purpose <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> this thesis is to study ancient <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> inscripti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> <strong>Attic</strong> vases.<br />
First, the categories <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> inscripti<strong>on</strong>s are clearly defined. Sec<strong>on</strong>d, various theories<br />
pertaining to those categories <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> inscripti<strong>on</strong>s are debated as to their validity. Third, the<br />
informati<strong>on</strong> that the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s provide <strong>on</strong> the culture, potters and painters <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> ancient<br />
Athens is discussed. This thesis will provide a foundati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> current informati<strong>on</strong> that the<br />
student or scholar can reference and build up<strong>on</strong> when beginning their study <strong>on</strong> ancient<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> inscripti<strong>on</strong>s.<br />
vi
INTRODUCTION<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>Ancient</str<strong>on</strong>g> inscripti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> <strong>Attic</strong> vases provide scholars with a wealth <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> knowledge.<br />
They provide informati<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> the culture <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> ancient Athens and <strong>on</strong> the craftsmen who<br />
produced the vases. The very fact that the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s were painted <strong>on</strong> vases and sold by<br />
craftsmen in order to provide their livelihood adds to the value <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. We<br />
are then able to observe the scenes and inscripti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong>e particular group believed<br />
important, and possibly the society as a whole c<strong>on</strong>sidered important. It was the larger<br />
society who purchased and at times commissi<strong>on</strong>ed the vases from the craftsmen. The<br />
craftsmen would have been careful enough to paint scenes and inscripti<strong>on</strong>s attractive to<br />
future customers. The glimpse inscripti<strong>on</strong>s give into ancient Athens makes them an<br />
exciting aspect <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> vases to study, and helps scholars to gain greater understanding <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a<br />
culture divided from our own by thousands <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> years.<br />
The abundance <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the excavated vases is just as exciting because it provides a<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tinuous timeline. This timeline is c<strong>on</strong>structed through comparis<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> styles and<br />
variati<strong>on</strong>s in inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. <strong>Attic</strong> vases are a securely dated group <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> antiquities. This<br />
allows scholars to follow changes in how objects and people are painted and changes in<br />
how letters are c<strong>on</strong>structed. The large quantity <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> vases is perhaps the reas<strong>on</strong> why there<br />
is a large quantity <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> scholarship dedicated to the study <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>Attic</strong> vases. Even with the<br />
large amount <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> scholarship written, there are still differing theories <strong>on</strong> certain aspects <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
the vases, namely <strong>on</strong> the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s accompanying the scenes.<br />
While vase making was a well-developed field in ancient Greece before the eighth<br />
century BCE, inscripti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> vases do not appear until the later eighth century BCE. 1<br />
The craftsman had a variety <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> techniques available for placing an inscripti<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> a vase.<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>Inscripti<strong>on</strong>s</str<strong>on</strong>g> could be painted, incised, or even stamped. Most inscripti<strong>on</strong>s were placed <strong>on</strong><br />
vases before firing and were painted. This means that most inscripti<strong>on</strong>s were placed <strong>on</strong><br />
the vases during producti<strong>on</strong>, and were placed by the pers<strong>on</strong> resp<strong>on</strong>sible for the overall<br />
decorative scheme. The inscripti<strong>on</strong>s placed <strong>on</strong> a vase after firing were most likely<br />
1 Cook 1997, 241.<br />
1
written by a merchant or purchaser and were typically incised. 2 Therefore, the<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s placed <strong>on</strong> the vase before firing have more in comm<strong>on</strong> than those placed<br />
after, since we can attribute pre-fired inscripti<strong>on</strong>s to the workshop. Scholars can usually<br />
recognize whether a merchant bought the vase for dedicati<strong>on</strong> or a wealthy patr<strong>on</strong> bought<br />
the vase for use at his symposium. The locati<strong>on</strong> where the vase was found al<strong>on</strong>g with the<br />
objects it was discovered with help to explain c<strong>on</strong>text, which helps to further the<br />
informati<strong>on</strong> for that specific vase. However, when comparing vases in general, it helps to<br />
have as much in comm<strong>on</strong> as possible between each vase and it is hard to tell whose hands<br />
might have incised the vase <strong>on</strong>ce sold. Once a vase leaves the workshop the number <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
comm<strong>on</strong> factors dwindle. Therefore our focus must be <strong>on</strong> inscripti<strong>on</strong>s placed before the<br />
vase is fired. This provides the same foundati<strong>on</strong> for each inscripti<strong>on</strong>, namely the<br />
workshop, and allows us to recognize the differences between the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s<br />
themselves. The inscripti<strong>on</strong>s then fall into eight categories: signatures, kalÒw<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s, bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong>s, capti<strong>on</strong>s, labels, toasts, comments and n<strong>on</strong>sense<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. Some <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> these categories have a larger inventory <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> vases than the others.<br />
Pre-fired inscripti<strong>on</strong>s were executed with black glaze, red slip, or white slip<br />
applied with a fine point. Sometimes the inscripti<strong>on</strong>’s color is a golden brown, which is<br />
the result <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the painter using a diluted black glaze. 3 The placement <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the inscripti<strong>on</strong><br />
was at the whim <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the painter. The majority <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> inscripti<strong>on</strong>s were written from left to<br />
right. However, there are many examples <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> retrograde inscripti<strong>on</strong>s, written from right to<br />
left. 4 Most <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the time the angle <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the inscripti<strong>on</strong> was subjective as well, that is the<br />
painter placed the inscripti<strong>on</strong> wherever the scene <strong>on</strong> the vase allowed for <strong>on</strong>e. 5<br />
The excepti<strong>on</strong> occurs <strong>on</strong> lip cups, created in the 560’s BCE. 6 Here the inscripti<strong>on</strong><br />
was c<strong>on</strong>sidered an integral part <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the decorati<strong>on</strong> program. The inscripti<strong>on</strong> lies between<br />
the terminal palmettes with each letter in a neat row. Since the inscripti<strong>on</strong> had to fill a<br />
fixed amount <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> space the letters are <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten spaced farther apart or a l<strong>on</strong>ger inscripti<strong>on</strong> is<br />
2 Cook 1997, 241.<br />
3 Noble1966, 68.<br />
4 Clark et al. 2002, 100.<br />
5 Folsom 1976, 6.<br />
6 Cook 1997, 242.<br />
2
written. It is possible that scholars know that Tles<strong>on</strong> was the s<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Nearchos more from<br />
a need to fill space than from the painter’s desire to h<strong>on</strong>or his father. 7<br />
The theories discussed in the following chapters mostly deal with the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s<br />
and what they say about the culture <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> ancient Greece. <str<strong>on</strong>g>Inscripti<strong>on</strong>s</str<strong>on</strong>g> that survive <strong>on</strong> <strong>Attic</strong><br />
vases are more securely dated than any other inscripti<strong>on</strong>s that survive and are more<br />
numerous. 8 <str<strong>on</strong>g>Inscripti<strong>on</strong>s</str<strong>on</strong>g> can be used as evidence for the date when the <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g>s adopted<br />
their alphabet and can be used for mapping local letter varieties and development. 9 When<br />
the origin <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the painter is known, his inscripti<strong>on</strong>s can be studied to understand that area’s<br />
specific dialect. When a dialect can be determined in an inscripti<strong>on</strong>, the painter’s origin<br />
can be determined and in a larger sense migrati<strong>on</strong> patterns can be studied. For instance,<br />
the vase painter called the Polyphemus Painter was an <strong>Attic</strong> vase painter, but wrote in an<br />
Aegean dialect. 10 This leads scholars to believe that the Polyphemus Painter migrated<br />
from the islands to Athens.<br />
An example <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the avenues inscripti<strong>on</strong>s lead scholars down can be found <strong>on</strong> an<br />
aryballos discovered in an Athenian tomb (Figure 1). The painter <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the aryballos was<br />
Douris, known from his signature <strong>on</strong> the vase. Another inscripti<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> the aryballos tells<br />
the name <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the owner, Asopodoros. The ownership inscripti<strong>on</strong> is unique in its own right<br />
since nearly all ownership inscripti<strong>on</strong>s are incised after firing. This ownership inscripti<strong>on</strong><br />
was painted <strong>on</strong> the aryballos before firing. A detail within the inscripti<strong>on</strong>, however, is<br />
what caught the renowned scholar J.D. Beazley’s eye. The character v was used for the<br />
impure dipth<strong>on</strong>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the genitive instead <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the o. Beazley observes that the character v<br />
was rarely found <strong>on</strong> <strong>Attic</strong> vases before the classical period and believes that the origin <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
the character may come from a draft the customer gave to Douris. The character also<br />
appears <strong>on</strong> another <strong>on</strong>e <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Douris’ vase paintings in a line <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> poetry written <strong>on</strong> a scroll<br />
held by a schoolmaster (Figure 2). This occurrence may be due to Douris copying a draft<br />
as well. 11 This is an example <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the results from tracking variati<strong>on</strong>s in inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. The<br />
trained eye can catch anomalies, which can lead to increased knowledge about the culture<br />
7 Cook 1997, 242.<br />
8 Cook 1997, 241.<br />
9 Cook 1997, 241.<br />
10 Cook 1997, 241-242.<br />
11 Kurtz 1989, 58.<br />
3
in general. The anomaly <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the pre-fired ownership inscripti<strong>on</strong> marks out the special<br />
interest the commissi<strong>on</strong>er <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the vase took in the producti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> his commissi<strong>on</strong>, which in<br />
turn possibly explains the occurrence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the v; as theorized above. Had it not been for<br />
the v appearing <strong>on</strong> the schoolmaster’s scroll we would not have suspected that the<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong> came from an original draft. Hence, the ownership inscripti<strong>on</strong> gives scholars<br />
an insight to the degree with which owners could be involved in the producti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> their<br />
commissi<strong>on</strong>ed works, and the scroll inscripti<strong>on</strong> gives scholars an insight to possible<br />
inspirati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> artists for inscripti<strong>on</strong>s.<br />
Before 490 BCE, inscripti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> vases were written in <strong>Attic</strong> script. After 480<br />
BCE, inscripti<strong>on</strong>s began to include I<strong>on</strong>ic script. 12 This is a clear break and helps in<br />
dating vases. Since the vase inscripti<strong>on</strong>s were not <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ficial and not c<strong>on</strong>trolled by the<br />
government, I<strong>on</strong>ic forms appeared in vase painting l<strong>on</strong>g before they appeared in <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ficial<br />
st<strong>on</strong>e inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. 13 In other cultures such as Egypt, and even in other time periods such<br />
as the Hellenistic and Roman periods, there is extensive evidence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> various forms <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
writing. Scholars are able to compare and c<strong>on</strong>trast book script, legal script, m<strong>on</strong>umental<br />
script, et cetera. In ancient Athens, painted inscripti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> vases provide the <strong>on</strong>ly<br />
complete source <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> writing for comparis<strong>on</strong> through the years. The vases are securely<br />
dated through stylistic analysis <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> their figural representati<strong>on</strong>s. Painted inscripti<strong>on</strong>s have<br />
been analyzed through numerous books, a result <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fact that the vases form a<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tinuous timeline. The painted inscripti<strong>on</strong>s, while they may follow their own rules, are<br />
the handiwork <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> individuals and are therefore the closest scholars have to papyrus<br />
writing. 14 They are the epitome <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> everyman’s language because everyday craftsmen<br />
wrote the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. 15 These inscripti<strong>on</strong>s were not c<strong>on</strong>trolled in a direct way by<br />
government influence.<br />
The earliest inscripti<strong>on</strong> dates to the eighth century BCE. The next appearance <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
an inscripti<strong>on</strong> dates to around the seventh century BCE. At this time in ancient Greece<br />
no real distincti<strong>on</strong> between public and private inscripti<strong>on</strong>s exists. It is not until the fifth<br />
century BCE that a notable distincti<strong>on</strong> between public and private inscripti<strong>on</strong>s develops<br />
12 Richter 1959, 315; Folsom 1976, 6.<br />
13 Richter 1946, 21.<br />
14 Immerwahr 1990, I.<br />
15 Snodgrass 2000, 33.<br />
4
due to the appearance <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> I<strong>on</strong>ic script in painted inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. This is followed by a proper<br />
cursive, which appears in the early fourth century BCE. 16 When studying the writing<br />
styles through different periods <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> time, it is noticeable that old styles can coexist with<br />
new styles, even when used <strong>on</strong> the same vase. While a style may be advanced for its<br />
period, the individual letterforms may be old-fashi<strong>on</strong>ed. 17 Immerwahr c<strong>on</strong>cludes that<br />
ancient Greece was n<strong>on</strong>-literate in the first quarter <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the first millennium BCE from the<br />
fact that no inscripti<strong>on</strong>s are earlier than the third quarter <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the eighth century BCE<br />
despite the abundance <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> pottery. 18 Once the third quarter <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the eighth century begins<br />
writing can be found in many places in ancient Greece. This happens not just in formal<br />
situati<strong>on</strong>s, but also in informal situati<strong>on</strong>s. 19<br />
The following chapters are focused <strong>on</strong> inscripti<strong>on</strong>s painted before the firing<br />
process. The inscripti<strong>on</strong>s are separated into categories and analyzed <strong>on</strong> the basis <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> their<br />
characteristics. The various theories about their purpose expressed by scholars are<br />
presented in each chapter as well. When studying inscripti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> vases, it came to my<br />
attenti<strong>on</strong> that while there are many books <strong>on</strong> the various aspects <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> vases (their<br />
producti<strong>on</strong>, functi<strong>on</strong>, decorati<strong>on</strong> and inscripti<strong>on</strong>s), there was no work simply <strong>on</strong><br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s that provided definiti<strong>on</strong>s for the various categories <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> inscripti<strong>on</strong>s and pulled<br />
together the theories <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> scholars into <strong>on</strong>e work. There are works that catalogue every<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong> known and give great attenti<strong>on</strong> to the details <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. These works,<br />
however, do not analyze the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s they list. The following chapters attempt to give<br />
up-to-date definiti<strong>on</strong>s, examples, and theories in each category <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. While the<br />
study focuses <strong>on</strong> <strong>Attic</strong> vases, the first vase menti<strong>on</strong>ed in the study is the Pithecousae<br />
vase. This vase is menti<strong>on</strong>ed because it marks the beginning <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> inscripti<strong>on</strong>s within the<br />
whole <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> ancient Greece. However, the painters in Athens used inscripti<strong>on</strong>s more<br />
frequently than any other area in ancient Greece. In no other area is there such a<br />
complete and c<strong>on</strong>tinuous record that is securely dated. With such a well-documented<br />
timeline <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> vases we can study progressi<strong>on</strong>s and fads. This study will provide a basic<br />
16 Immerwahr 1990, I-II.<br />
17 Immerwahr 1990, II.<br />
18 Immerwahr 1990, 7.<br />
19 Immerwahr 1990, 16.<br />
5
foundati<strong>on</strong> where student or scholar can see definitive definiti<strong>on</strong>s for the categories <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s, and compare or c<strong>on</strong>trast the various theories <strong>on</strong> each category.<br />
6
CHAPTER 1<br />
SIGNATURES<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>Inscripti<strong>on</strong>s</str<strong>on</strong>g> that bel<strong>on</strong>g to the signatures category are important because they are<br />
the <strong>on</strong>ly secure source for the names <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> potters and painters. At times the potter, painter,<br />
or both are named <strong>on</strong> a vase. The ancient <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> literary sources are vocal when naming<br />
architects, sculptors and mural painters, yet there is no menti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> potters or vasepainters.<br />
20 The practice <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> signing vases, however, was sporadic and there is still<br />
uncertainty am<strong>on</strong>g scholars as to how a vase was chosen to receive a signature. Through<br />
analysis <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> style scholars can link vases to a single artist, but many <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> these artists are<br />
given pseud<strong>on</strong>yms since they did not provide a signature. The artists who did sign their<br />
vases did so rarely. In fact, many <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the potter’s and painter’s names known to us today<br />
are known from a single signature, even though the name may be linked stylistically to<br />
many vases. 21 Of a collecti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> ninety-seven potter names, forty-two are known from a<br />
single vase. For painter’s names, seventeen out <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> forty-three are known from a single<br />
vase. 22 The artist’s motives and standards for signing vases remain a mystery to scholars.<br />
Many <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the best works go unsigned, while some <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the poorer examples are signed. 23<br />
An example is the artist Mys<strong>on</strong> who, as Richter informs us, is known from a sec<strong>on</strong>d-rate<br />
column krater found <strong>on</strong> the Acropolis, while his masterpieces—an amphora in the Louvre<br />
and a krater in the British Museum—went unsigned. 24 In our modern society this<br />
inc<strong>on</strong>sistency may seem c<strong>on</strong>trary to the natural desire to gain pers<strong>on</strong>al credit for an<br />
achievement, but Beazley believes there may be other factors involved. The first factor<br />
he lists is fashi<strong>on</strong>. Signatures are popular during certain periods and rare during others.<br />
A change in taste could account for the popularity or rarity in different periods, since the<br />
form <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the inscripti<strong>on</strong> itself did not change. Another factor could be the artist’s<br />
temperament. While some did not sign at all, others signed their works occasi<strong>on</strong>ally, and<br />
20 Clark et al. 2002, 143.<br />
21 Kurtz 1989, 54.<br />
22 Kurtz 1989, 54.<br />
23 Kurtz 1989, 54.<br />
24 Richter 1946, 16.<br />
7
still another, Nikosthenes, signed c<strong>on</strong>stantly. The artist Douris regularly signed his work<br />
at first, then ceased later in his career. 25 Two more factors may have been the artist’s<br />
mood at the moment or the relati<strong>on</strong>ship <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the signature to the vase. The latter factor is<br />
significant when c<strong>on</strong>sidering the Little Master cups. 26 Here inscripti<strong>on</strong>s are integral to<br />
the decorati<strong>on</strong>. As a part <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the artistic program, an inscripti<strong>on</strong>al space was provided<br />
between the two terminal palmettes. In the eyes <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the painter, preserving the<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>al space was so important that at times a mock inscripti<strong>on</strong>, called a n<strong>on</strong>sense<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong> 27 , was placed in that space in order to maintain the traditi<strong>on</strong>. Therefore, there<br />
is a chance that the artist would sign a Little Master cup simply for the purpose <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
decorati<strong>on</strong>.<br />
The statistics suggest that recogniti<strong>on</strong> was not the motive behind the signatures.<br />
Out <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> about nine hundred artists that have been recognized through stylistic comparis<strong>on</strong><br />
<strong>on</strong>ly around forty have left us their real names. Less than <strong>on</strong>e percent <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the known vases<br />
have signatures. 28 The identified potters’ names, according to Folsom, are thirty in the<br />
Archaic period, four in the early Classical period, eleven from 475 BCE to 400 BCE and<br />
<strong>on</strong>ly <strong>on</strong>e from the fourth century BCE. 29 This is a surprising amount c<strong>on</strong>sidering the<br />
large quantity <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> vase and vase fragments excavated every day. Signatures are the most<br />
frequent during the sec<strong>on</strong>d half <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the sixth century BCE and the first half <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fifth<br />
century BCE. 30 The signatures reach their peak around 500 BCE and are rare <strong>on</strong>ce again<br />
by the end <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fifth century BCE. 31 Statistically, there are roughly twice as many<br />
potter signatures as painter signatures, and there are more names <strong>on</strong> red-figure vases than<br />
black-figure vases. 32 Beazley believes the higher percentage <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> potter names points to the<br />
importance <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the potter’s role over the painter’s role. The simple fact remains that a<br />
potter can exist without a vase-painter but a vase-painter cannot exist without a potter. 33<br />
25 Kurtz 1989, 54.<br />
26 Kurtz 1989, 54.<br />
27 N<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s will be discussed in a latter chapter.<br />
28 Boardman 2001, 128.<br />
29 Folsom 1976, 6.<br />
30 Arias 1962, 15.<br />
31 Cook 1997, 244.<br />
32 Clark et al. 2002, 143; Boardman 1975, 213.<br />
33 Kurtz 1989, 55.<br />
8
The <strong>Attic</strong> workshops were not the first to add a signature to a vase. Rather the<br />
oldest signature comes from Ischia and dates to the first half <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the seventh century<br />
BCE. 34 The signature ends in …inos and appears <strong>on</strong> a krater. The krater seems to have<br />
been made locally in a Euboean style. More than a generati<strong>on</strong> later an aryballos imitating<br />
a Protocorinthian style was signed with the name Pyrrhus in the Euboean alphabet. It<br />
was not until the 580’s BCE that the first Corinthian signs his name, Tim<strong>on</strong>idas. The<br />
<strong>Attic</strong> painter Sophilos, who is a c<strong>on</strong>temporary <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Tim<strong>on</strong>idas, is the first to sign in a l<strong>on</strong>g<br />
line <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>Attic</strong> signatures. 35<br />
At times the patr<strong>on</strong>ymic <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the potter or painter was included in the signature.<br />
This appears to happen when the father was in the same pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>essi<strong>on</strong>, though it is not<br />
certain that this is always the case. 36 The more informati<strong>on</strong> the painter and potter give us,<br />
the more insight we are able to gain into their pers<strong>on</strong>al lives and their pers<strong>on</strong>alities. For<br />
instance, a family <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> potters with the names Bachhios and Kittos existed in the forth<br />
century BCE and left their signatures <strong>on</strong> extant vases. From their signatures, al<strong>on</strong>g with<br />
their patr<strong>on</strong>ymic, we are able to c<strong>on</strong>nect the family with existing records. These records<br />
show that the family was awarded as competiti<strong>on</strong> winners, granted citizenship at Ephesus<br />
for giving services to the community, and received a decent burial in Athens. 37 Through<br />
c<strong>on</strong>necting family names scholars are able to trace certain painters and rec<strong>on</strong>struct parts<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> their lives. Without the patr<strong>on</strong>ymic, clues may help with rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> but the<br />
informati<strong>on</strong> would still be c<strong>on</strong>jecture since two or more people can exist with the same<br />
name. The likelihood that two or more people with the same name and the same father’s<br />
name is a smaller percentage.<br />
A specific formula was used when signing vases. The potter’s name was<br />
followed by the <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> word §po€esen, which is translated as “made it”. This <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
word may have also followed the name <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the workshop owner’s name according to<br />
theories that will be discussed later in the chapter. The painter’s name however was<br />
followed by the <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> word grapsen, which is translated as “painted it”. Therefore,<br />
34 Cook 1997, 243.<br />
35 Cook1997, 244.<br />
36 Boardman 2001, 141.<br />
37 Boardman 2001, 141.<br />
9
DoËriw §po€esen means “Douris made it” and 'Ex°kiaw §grãpsen means “Exekias<br />
painted it”. Examples exist <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> double signatures that name both the potter and the painter<br />
involved in the executi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the vase. In these cases the potter is menti<strong>on</strong>ed before the<br />
painter, usually as “X made it, Y painted it”. As pointed out by Noble, the double<br />
signatures recognize the sequence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the work. Noble also believes that the double<br />
signatures recognize the equal importance <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the potting and the painting. 38<br />
When<br />
c<strong>on</strong>sidering this, we may refer to the statement above made by J.D. Beazley about the<br />
greater importance <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the potter since the potter could exist without the vase-painter.<br />
While the order <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the double signature, potter then painter, may just relate the order <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
the producti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the vase, it may also relate the importance <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>on</strong>e task above the other<br />
as viewed by the ancient <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g>s. The appearance <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> twice as many potters’ signatures as<br />
compared to painters’ signatures also supports the recognized importance <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the potter as<br />
opposed to the painter.<br />
Even with something as simple as signatures, however, it is possible to have<br />
unclear areas and misunderstandings. There is hardly an unclear area with signatures<br />
c<strong>on</strong>taining grapsen. The painter <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the vase used this <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> word in his signature and<br />
no scholars today dispute that fact. The problem comes when researching the <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
word §po€esen. While the word is translated literally as ‘made’, there is discrepancy as<br />
to what the word ‘made’ entails. J.D. Beazley’s 1921 article explains <strong>on</strong>e <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the three<br />
theories believed in regards to what §po€esen really means. The theory states that the<br />
man whose name goes before §po€esen is actually the designer <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the vase, or the head <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
the business, rather than the man who literally made the vase. The designer then gives<br />
the painter his plans for the vase and the painter executes the design. 39<br />
The example he<br />
gives is the Gery<strong>on</strong> Cup in Munich that bears the signatures Chachryli<strong>on</strong> epoiesen,<br />
Euphr<strong>on</strong>ios egrapsen (Figure 3). In regards to the theory presented this signature would<br />
mean that Chachryli<strong>on</strong> simply designed the vase and Euphr<strong>on</strong>ios was resp<strong>on</strong>sible for its<br />
executi<strong>on</strong>. Beazley believes there is a lack <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> logic in this argument. He states that if we<br />
were to compare various vases that <strong>on</strong>e man ‘made’ (epoiesen) there should be some<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tinuity between the designs, if in fact <strong>on</strong>e man were solely resp<strong>on</strong>sible for the designs.<br />
38 Noble 1966, xii.<br />
39 Beazley 1921, 233.<br />
10
This becomes a problem since comparis<strong>on</strong> between §po€esen signatures does not reveal<br />
any c<strong>on</strong>tinuity in design. There is, however, c<strong>on</strong>tinuity when comparing the various<br />
works <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> an artist who signed grapsen even when that artist painted for different<br />
potters. Therefore, as Beazley states, the “style <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Epiktetos” has a definite meaning, but<br />
the “style <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Nikosthenes” (a potter who signed with §po€esen frequently) means<br />
nothing. Each §po€esen group has significant dissimilarities, while each grapsen<br />
group can be linked in style. 40<br />
The sec<strong>on</strong>d theory states that the man’s name appearing before §po€esen was the<br />
workshop owner. According to this theory the signature would really be a trademark. If<br />
there was <strong>on</strong>e specific head <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the workshop then it seems natural that he might insist <strong>on</strong><br />
advertisement. 41 The large number <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> potter signatures compared to painter signatures<br />
could be used as evidence for this theory. The glitch comes when taking into account<br />
that signatures occur <strong>on</strong> a very small percentage <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the excavated vases. The paucity <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
signatures more likely implies that they were a fad rather than a marketing ploy. As aptly<br />
pointed out by Richter, if the signature was in fact a trademark then there would be<br />
reas<strong>on</strong> to believe that all the vases would carry <strong>on</strong>e. Richter also points to the fact that<br />
when a sculptor signs he utilizes the same word as when the potter signs, which lends<br />
added plausibility to the next theory. 42<br />
Simply put, the third theory states that the pers<strong>on</strong> who signed with §po€esen was<br />
the actual pers<strong>on</strong> who made, or rather shaped, the vase. The third theory appears to be<br />
the <strong>on</strong>e that most scholars support. One alternative, however, is to support all three.<br />
There are scholars who believe that the word meant a variety <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> things at different times.<br />
Slight c<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong> occurs when scholars find a vase that a potter <strong>on</strong>ly signed with §po€esen<br />
but comparis<strong>on</strong>s show the potter to be the painter as well. The cases where this happens<br />
are rare, but it is instances like this when the questi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> what §po€esen really meant is<br />
<strong>on</strong>ce again raised. The <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> word in this case implies that the whole producti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
vase, making and painting, was under the supervisi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>on</strong>e craftsman. This indicates<br />
40 Beazley 1921, 233.<br />
41 Cook 1997, 244 and 245.<br />
42 Richter 1946, 17.<br />
11
that a workshop owner who oversaw the development <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a vase, even when he may not<br />
have had a physical hand in forming the vase, could have used the word.<br />
The <strong>on</strong>ly c<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong> that may occur with the grapsen signatures is when the<br />
same name appears <strong>on</strong> different vases but the painting is obviously by different hands.<br />
For example, certain vases exist with the signature <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Epiktetos, a prominent vase painter,<br />
but the scenes were executed in the recognizable style <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Kleophrades Painter. 43 One<br />
such vase is in the Oesterreichisces Museum in Vienna. Klein transcribed the signature<br />
<strong>on</strong> this vase as an Epiktetos signature (Figure 4). 44 On account <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> this transcripti<strong>on</strong>,<br />
many scholars attributed the vase to the earlier Epiktetos, despite the fact that the scenes<br />
did not match his style. In fact the style had undert<strong>on</strong>es <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Euthymides’ style. Beazley<br />
suggests that Euthymides possibly influenced Epiktetos for this particular amphora, but<br />
Richter brings up a very interesting questi<strong>on</strong> in resp<strong>on</strong>se to this theory. She asks why a<br />
great artist such as Epiktetos, whose style was already well defined, would chose to adopt<br />
another artist’s manner so late in his own career. Richter also points to the fact that<br />
Euthymides had no influence over any <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Epiktetos’ other known works. 45 It is Richter’s<br />
suggesti<strong>on</strong> that we look toward the Kleophrades Painter as the artist for this amphora. At<br />
the time that this amphora was executed, the Kleophrades Painter was at the beginning <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
his career as opposed to Epiktetos, who was approaching the end <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> his career. The early<br />
work <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Kleophrades Painter is also known to bear a str<strong>on</strong>g resemblance to the work<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Euthymides. Even the dimensi<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the amphora in questi<strong>on</strong> here are more in line<br />
with the “m<strong>on</strong>umental style” <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Kleophrades Painter, than the “dainty” style <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
Epiktetos, who preferred cups and plates. 46<br />
The signature <strong>on</strong> the amphora discussed above was later reexamined and found to<br />
be a n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong> rather than the signature <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Epiktetos. 47 Therefore, the entire<br />
debate about the authorship <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the amphora was instigated by a wr<strong>on</strong>g transcripti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>. The end result was the same, however, since other evidence exists to show<br />
43 Richter 1946, 18; Richter 1936, 100-115.<br />
44 Richter 1936, 109; Klein 1887, 108.<br />
45 Richter 1936, 109.<br />
46 Richter 1936, 111.<br />
47 Richter 1936, 112.<br />
12
that the Kleophrades Painter was indeed named Epiktetos. 48 A pelike exists in Berlin with<br />
the signature <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Epiktetos that was at <strong>on</strong>e time attributed to the earlier Epiktetos, even<br />
though the manner <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> painting did not match his previous work. Beazley analyzed the<br />
pelike and attributed it to the Kleophrades Painter. 49 The time periods in which each<br />
painter worked were in very close proximity. Epiktetos was active in the early archaic<br />
period (ca. 530-500 BCE) and the Kleophrades Painter was active during the late archaic<br />
period (ca. 500-475 BCE). While there are some instances <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> fraud in ancient signatures,<br />
in this instance Richter believes that there can be no questi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> fraud based <strong>on</strong> the fact<br />
that the Kleophrades Painter does not attempt to copy Epiktetos’ manner. 50<br />
Instead the<br />
general c<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong> now is that there were two artists names Epiktetos. The sec<strong>on</strong>d<br />
Epiktetos c<strong>on</strong>tinues to be labeled as the Kleophrades Painter to avoid the c<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
calling him Epiktetos II.<br />
Some <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the craftsmen were skilled in both areas <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> pottery and painting. When<br />
<strong>on</strong>e man is both potter and painter the signature is <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten in the form <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> grapsen<br />
képo€esen, translated “so and so made and painted it”. 51 An artist with the skill <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> both<br />
potter and painter seems to have been a rarity, as can be tentatively c<strong>on</strong>cluded from the<br />
sparse numbers <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> these specific signatures. Exekias was <strong>on</strong>e such skilled worker who<br />
applied this signature to his vases. In <strong>Attic</strong> red-figure, Douris, Mys<strong>on</strong>, and Epiktetos are<br />
the <strong>on</strong>ly artists preserved who used this type <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> signature. 52<br />
Then there are the craftsmen<br />
who change roles over the years. Euphr<strong>on</strong>ios began his career as a painter, but finished<br />
his career as a potter. 53<br />
His earlier signatures are those <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a painter, while his later<br />
signatures as a potter are obviously painted by a hand other than his own. 54 There are<br />
various theories for why Euphr<strong>on</strong>ios changed roles in the course <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> his career. Some<br />
believe that Euphr<strong>on</strong>ios may have started out as an artist but ascended to the distincti<strong>on</strong><br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a potter either through obtaining greater skills as a potter or through obtaining his own<br />
workshop. Scholars generally believe that the potter was esteemed above the painter due<br />
48 Richter 1936, 112.<br />
49 Richter 1936, 112; Arias 1962, 328.<br />
50 Richter 1936, 115.<br />
51 Richter 1946, 16.<br />
52 Richter 1946, 17.<br />
53 Noble 1966, xii; Arias 1962, 16.<br />
54 Arias 1962, 16.<br />
13
to the necessity <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> having potters in the industry, and that potters were most likely the<br />
owners <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the workshops rather then the painters. These two aspects could have made a<br />
painter desire to rise to the positi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a potter. The sec<strong>on</strong>d theory for Euphr<strong>on</strong>ios’<br />
change is a change in his eyesight. This would make the painting <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a vase almost<br />
impossible but the forming <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a vase still within a reas<strong>on</strong>able grasp. 55 Whatever the<br />
reas<strong>on</strong> was for the change in occupati<strong>on</strong>, the change itself was documented through<br />
Euphr<strong>on</strong>ios’ signatures.<br />
The signatures allow scholars to observe the freedom <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the relati<strong>on</strong>ships between<br />
potters and painters. Oltos’ signature can be found <strong>on</strong> the vases <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> four different potters<br />
and Epiktetos signed with at least six different potters. The same observati<strong>on</strong> can be<br />
applied in reverse. Through stylistic comparis<strong>on</strong> it is revealed that Kachryli<strong>on</strong> made cups<br />
for at least ten different painters. 56<br />
No definite reas<strong>on</strong> has been uncovered to explain what prompted an artist to sign<br />
his name. Pride in their work does not allow for the fact that many <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the best works go<br />
unsigned. If it were for advertisement purposes then an artist would have made an effort<br />
to sign as many works as possible. One theory has been to identify the work and the<br />
artist when the vase was sold in a foreign market. However, many <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> vases<br />
excavated in Italy have not been signed while many excavated in Athens have. 57 The<br />
necessity <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> an inscripti<strong>on</strong>, <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten a signature, <strong>on</strong> the Little Master cups suggests that<br />
fashi<strong>on</strong> played a great deal in the decisi<strong>on</strong> to sign. 58 Scholars may never know,<br />
especially since the literary sources are silent <strong>on</strong> the subject. Whatever motives the artist<br />
had for signing, signatures are priceless for the very reas<strong>on</strong> that the literary sources are<br />
silent. The signatures provide some names <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the potters and painters involved in vase<br />
producti<strong>on</strong> and without names there could have been little hope for finding further<br />
informati<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> the industry.<br />
55 These are theories discussed in Kurtz 1989, 55.<br />
56 Kurtz 1989, 55.<br />
57 Richter 1946, 18.<br />
58 Boardman 2001, 129.<br />
14
CHAPTER 2<br />
KALOS INSCRIPTIONS<br />
While §po€esen and grapsen signatures allow scholars an insight into the lives<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> ancient <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> potters and painters, kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>s give an insight into the lives <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
the ancient Athenian aristocratic youth. KalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>s are love or praise<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s singling out a young man in society. More than two hundred different names<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> individuals have been found. 59 The <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> word kalÒw corresp<strong>on</strong>ds to the English<br />
word beautiful or handsome. However, in the c<strong>on</strong>text used <strong>on</strong> the vases there is a general<br />
agreement am<strong>on</strong>g scholars that the word bears a c<strong>on</strong>notati<strong>on</strong> more al<strong>on</strong>g the lines <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
“sexy”, describing the more erotic or homosexual charms <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the youth. 60<br />
KalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>s fall mostly between the dates <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> 550 and 450 BCE. 61 There<br />
are three types <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>s and the forms are very simple. The majority <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s are in the form <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> “[name <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Athenian] kalÒw”. For example, Leãgrow<br />
kalÒw would translate into “Leagros is beautiful”. There are examples where <strong>on</strong>ly the<br />
word kalÒw appears with no name, as well as times where the praise is generic and<br />
simply names “a boy”, ˜ pa›w kalÒw (“the boy is beautiful”). 62 For added emphasis the<br />
words na€xi (yes) or kãrta (very) sometimes occur in the inscripti<strong>on</strong>. 63 The placement<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> these inscripti<strong>on</strong>s seems random, and <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten does not have any noticeable c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong><br />
with the scene depicted <strong>on</strong> the vase. Boardman compares these inscripti<strong>on</strong>s with modern<br />
graffiti. 64 In <strong>on</strong>e main regard modern graffiti and kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>s differ. Some<strong>on</strong>e<br />
other than the original artist places modern graffiti <strong>on</strong> an object, but the same artist who<br />
painted the scene <strong>on</strong> the vase also placed the inscripti<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> the vase. However, both<br />
modern graffiti and kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>s do not have any real c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong> with scenes<br />
59 Folsom 1976, 6; Cook 1997, 245.<br />
60 Clark et al. 2002, 100; Cook 1997, 245.<br />
61 Clark et al. 2002, 100.<br />
62 Boardman 1974, 201; Clark et al. 2002, 100.<br />
63 Richter 1946, 15.<br />
64 Boardman 1974, 201; Shapiro 2004, 2.<br />
15
depicted <strong>on</strong> the same surface. Modern graffiti is then the closest example we have in our<br />
culture to compare with these ancient inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. A small subgroup <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> kalÒw<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s could plausibly be identified with a youth <strong>on</strong> the vase due to proximity, and<br />
to these Beazley gave the term “tag-kalÒw”. 65<br />
Individual names occurred for a very short period <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> time; namely five to ten<br />
years. This is largely due to the fact that youths were praised, not mature adults. A pa›w<br />
is no older than fourteen or fifteen; <strong>on</strong>ce past this age they were no l<strong>on</strong>ger praised. The<br />
excepti<strong>on</strong> to the rule was Leagros, whose name c<strong>on</strong>tinued to appear well bey<strong>on</strong>d the time<br />
he became a mature adult. Circumstances exist where a kalÒw name will appear in the<br />
records <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the leaders <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Athenian state after the proper interval <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> time it would take<br />
for a boy to transiti<strong>on</strong> from being a pa›w to a leader. 66 This is c<strong>on</strong>venient for the<br />
archaeologist since a timeline can then be put in place for that individual. However,<br />
these identificati<strong>on</strong>s must still be in questi<strong>on</strong> unless the patr<strong>on</strong>ymic is given as well, or<br />
there are particular characteristics about the name. 67 The reas<strong>on</strong> for this cauti<strong>on</strong> is that<br />
more than <strong>on</strong>e boy can have the same name. It is less likely that two boys with the same<br />
name would have different fathers with the same name or possess the same particular<br />
characteristics in their name. Without the patr<strong>on</strong>ymic or particular characteristics,<br />
scholars could be associating a pa›w with a recorded leader based <strong>on</strong> their similar names,<br />
but in reality the pa›w and the leader are two different individuals.<br />
Many scholarly works seem to questi<strong>on</strong> the extent <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the involvement <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the youth<br />
in the inscripti<strong>on</strong> process. Boardman believes that the painter did not necessarily have to<br />
be familiar with the youth, but instead could have been simply acknowledging a favorite<br />
youth at that time. 68 Webster states that the youth was in some sense the patr<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
painter even though the youth may not have been either the purchaser or the recipient. 69<br />
There seems to be no set formula for who used a name or when and where a name is<br />
used, which adds to the c<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong>. Some painters used several kalÒw names while other<br />
65 ARV 2 1559.<br />
66 Cook 1997, 245.<br />
67 Arias 1962, 334.<br />
68 Boardman 1974, 201.<br />
69 Webster 1972, 21.<br />
16
painters seem to have used <strong>on</strong>ly <strong>on</strong>e. 70 Webster’s theory is that the occurrence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
same name <strong>on</strong> vases by different painters indicates that the different painters may have<br />
worked in the same workshop. If this proved true we would gain an understanding <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
general structure <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a workshop and we would be able to link painters to workshops<br />
through the kalÒw names, which is more informati<strong>on</strong> than we currently have <strong>on</strong> ancient<br />
workshops. An interesting byproduct <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> his research is his theories <strong>on</strong> the patr<strong>on</strong>age <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
the painters. While Webster warns that <strong>on</strong>e should expect to find patr<strong>on</strong>s loyal to <strong>on</strong>e<br />
workshop as well as patr<strong>on</strong>s who use several, he believes that there is sufficient evidence<br />
from the kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>s to indicate that steady patr<strong>on</strong>s were the tendency. 71 If <strong>on</strong>e<br />
can trace patr<strong>on</strong>age due to the occurrence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> certain names, then this would indicate that<br />
the patr<strong>on</strong> picked the name <strong>on</strong> the vessel, and not the painter. This is certainly a<br />
possibility, but it is also a possibility that the names were picked due to the fact that a<br />
certain boy was more popular than all the others at the time. In this case either the<br />
painter or the patr<strong>on</strong> could have picked the name and the occurrence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a name several<br />
times would be due to popularity and not patr<strong>on</strong>age or workshops. These theories<br />
assume that the patr<strong>on</strong> and the purchaser were <strong>on</strong>e and the same pers<strong>on</strong>. If, however, the<br />
youth himself was the patr<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the painter, but not the purchaser, then patr<strong>on</strong>age would<br />
be the deciding factor in the decisi<strong>on</strong> to use a name. A patr<strong>on</strong> can support a painter,<br />
through m<strong>on</strong>ey or verbal support, without being a purchaser <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> their art. The painter may<br />
have then felt indebted to the patr<strong>on</strong> and praised them in their work through a kalÒw<br />
name.<br />
Whether praising a boy who was a patr<strong>on</strong> or simply praising the popular boy <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
the day, a pa›w bel<strong>on</strong>ged to the upper class. Generally, the activities <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the boys depicted<br />
were c<strong>on</strong>sidered upper class activities. The great number <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> these depicti<strong>on</strong>s may suggest<br />
that the painters had a familiarity with the upper class. 72 Some <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the boys named in<br />
kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>s are labeled with their names in scenes <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> parties and athletic events.<br />
For almost every individual named more than a few times in kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>s, there is<br />
70 Boardman 2001, 149.<br />
71 Webster 1972, 24-25.<br />
72 Boardman 2001, 148.<br />
17
also <strong>on</strong>e or more occurrence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the same name without kalÒw. 73<br />
As Shapiro points out,<br />
pa›w names appearing without the <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> word kalÒw are different from the names<br />
appearing with it because the former are c<strong>on</strong>nected to the scenes, but the latter are not.<br />
The names without kalÒw are c<strong>on</strong>nected with an athlete or a youth depicted, while the<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s with kalÒw seem to have no c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong> with any pers<strong>on</strong> depicted and lack a<br />
c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong> with the subject <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the scene.<br />
On rare occasi<strong>on</strong>s the female form kalÆ appears rather than kalÒw. In these<br />
cases the women praised were most likely courtesans. 74 Literature reveals the tendencies<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the ancient <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g>s to focus <strong>on</strong> the beauty <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> boys rather then women. In Plato, for<br />
instance, Kritias informs Sokrates <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the new ‘beauties’ (per‹ t«n kal«n). 75 The<br />
preference <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> boys over women is evident in the preference <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>s over<br />
kalÆ inscripti<strong>on</strong>s; surviving vases indicate a ratio <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> kalÒw to kalÆ inscripti<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
about 20:1. 76 Even more rare than a woman being praised was a god or hero being<br />
praised in a kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>.<br />
An interesting sub-group <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>s c<strong>on</strong>sists <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> those that praise a<br />
group <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> vase-painters and potters known as the Pi<strong>on</strong>eers. Their vases seem to reflect a<br />
subversive kind <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> role-playing whereby the usually elitist term kalÒw is applied to n<strong>on</strong>elite<br />
craftsmen. Scholars, such as Shapiro, have been able to link kalÒw names to<br />
aristocratic youth and believe that in general these inscripti<strong>on</strong>s were elitist. 77 By adding<br />
kalÒw to their own names, the painters place themselves in the role <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> an aristocrat just<br />
as much as if they had painted themselves in an aristocratic scene. 78 In so doing they<br />
invert the social norms <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> class structure and make light <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> them. The inverting <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
traditi<strong>on</strong>al roles is not uncomm<strong>on</strong>. There are examples <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> women being depicted as<br />
athletes, thus inverting traditi<strong>on</strong>al gender-roles. When closely inspected, the very<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong> is a c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> social norms. A kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong> did not simply praise<br />
73 Shapiro 2004, 2.<br />
74 Boardman 2001, 149.<br />
75 Plato Charmides 154A; Richter 1946, 16.<br />
76 Clark et al. 2002, 100.<br />
77 Shapiro 1980; Shapiro 1982; Neer 2002, 118.<br />
78 Neer 2002, 118.<br />
18
an aristocrat, but a youthful aristocrat. It is unlikely, however, that the painters or potters<br />
were young enough to fall into the age range <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a pa›w. A play <strong>on</strong> the word pa›w may be<br />
their intended ir<strong>on</strong>y. Another meaning <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the word is ‘slave’. 79 Knowing the two<br />
c<strong>on</strong>notati<strong>on</strong>s that this word embodies, the painters could have been expressing the<br />
dichotomy <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> their lives. They were praised for their artwork and solicited by the elites<br />
to produce specific works and yet at the same time they were tradesmen. On the other<br />
hand, some scholars believe that the artist’s self-praise may result from a simple business<br />
plan. Neer writes that an artist’s name appearing in a kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong> could be spoken<br />
by any<strong>on</strong>e who knew how to read and, as a result, the name would circulate. 80 The artist<br />
then would have an efficient way to advertise his abilities. The possibility <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> an artist<br />
trying to advertise was explored in the signature chapter; there the argument was that it<br />
was highly unlikely that signatures were used for advertisement, since many <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the best<br />
works went unsigned. While names <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> artists quite <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten appear <strong>on</strong> statue bases, the main<br />
reas<strong>on</strong> we are familiar with artists from the ancient world is because their names<br />
appeared in literature. The citizens <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> ancient Athens may have known who the painters<br />
were through verbal recogniti<strong>on</strong>, but advertisement <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>on</strong>e’s abilities appears to have<br />
been culturally unacceptable. The possibility remains that in spite <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> cultural censure <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
advertisement, some artists chose to advertise. Perhaps the artists thought that<br />
advertisement <strong>on</strong> lesser works, or even disguising advertisement as a kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>,<br />
might escape the notice <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the general public. In this case, Neer’s theory works, but the<br />
more prevalent belief amoung scholars is that advertisement was not the motive for either<br />
signatures or kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>s naming painters.<br />
The most famous and widely used kalÒw name was Leagros. His name occurs<br />
not <strong>on</strong>ly twice as <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten as the other names but also over a l<strong>on</strong>ger time span. 81 Leagros is<br />
first menti<strong>on</strong>ed around the year 520 BCE. This date puts his birth circa 535 BCE. The<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s, however, c<strong>on</strong>tinue until he was past the age <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> thirty. The name does not fit<br />
the typical kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong> since the use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> his name does not stop <strong>on</strong>ce he was grown.<br />
Not all <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s with the Leagros name follow the typical kalÒw formula. One<br />
79 Neer 2002, 118.<br />
80 Neer 2002, 118.<br />
81 Shapiro 2004, 3.<br />
19
inscripti<strong>on</strong> found <strong>on</strong> a red-figure cup painted by the Eleusis Painter in circa 500-480<br />
B.C.E. adds in a sec<strong>on</strong>d-pers<strong>on</strong> verb (Figure 5). The inscripti<strong>on</strong> reads ‘Leagros. You are<br />
handsome’ (L°agrow e‰ kalÒw) adding a more pers<strong>on</strong>al touch. The picture depicted<br />
with this inscripti<strong>on</strong> shows King Busiris and his Egyptian subjects being attacked by<br />
Herakles. One possibility was that the painter <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the inscripti<strong>on</strong> meant to imply that<br />
while the Egyptians are ugly, Leagros is beautiful, especially since Athenian painters<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten caricatured the Egyptians. 82 Approximate numbers for the occurrence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Leagros<br />
are fifteen times without the word kalÒw and at least sixty times with it. 83 The majority<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the scenes in which the name Leagros appears without the word kalÒw involve<br />
drinking and the symposium. A portrait exists <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the famed Leagros <strong>on</strong> a psykter painted<br />
by Smikros (Figure 6). Here Leagros is shown as an object <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Euphr<strong>on</strong>ios’ affecti<strong>on</strong>.<br />
Shapiro theorizes that this may be a play <strong>on</strong> the fact that Leagros was at first praised<br />
almost exclusively by Euphr<strong>on</strong>ios. 84<br />
The large number <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Leagros inscripti<strong>on</strong>s leads Shapiro to a very interesting<br />
theory. 85 He believes that the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s transcended the man Leagros and became a<br />
metaphor for a young aristocratic playboy. The vast number <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> sympotic scenes with<br />
which the name is c<strong>on</strong>nected helps to support this theory. In a red-figure cup by the<br />
Thalia Painter, the name Leagros shows up in a toast written over the head <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a youth<br />
engaged in the act <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> masturbati<strong>on</strong> (Figure 7). Another example cited by Shapiro is a<br />
red-figure cup by the Eleusis Painter (possibly Onesimos) in L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong> where a man is<br />
engaged in sexual intercourse with a woman and the name Leagros hugs his body starting<br />
at the feet and c<strong>on</strong>tinuing to the head (Figure 8). As if c<strong>on</strong>tinuing with the inscribed<br />
name, the word kalÒw issues from the man’s mouth. The types <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> men depicted in<br />
relati<strong>on</strong> to the name Leagros tend toward heavy drinking and sexual promiscuity. Due to<br />
these reas<strong>on</strong>s, Shapiro believes that the name Leagros may have been associated with<br />
certain behavior and used metaphorically much like the name Casanova is used in our<br />
culture today. Traditi<strong>on</strong>ally, kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>s have no c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong> with the scenes they<br />
82 Shapiro 2004, 8.<br />
83 Shapiro 2004, 3.<br />
84 Shapiro 2004, 7.<br />
85 Shapiro 2004, 7-9.<br />
20
accompany. The Leagros inscripti<strong>on</strong>s, however, already break traditi<strong>on</strong> by appearing<br />
l<strong>on</strong>g after Leagros would have been c<strong>on</strong>sidered a pa›w, and therefore cannot be studied<br />
as a traditi<strong>on</strong>al kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>. Shapiro takes into account this break in traditi<strong>on</strong> and<br />
by c<strong>on</strong>necting the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s with the scenes, produces a plausible theory.<br />
Little is known <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the real life <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Leagros, but there is more known about him than<br />
about most <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the other individuals distinguished as kalÒw. He was the s<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Glauk<strong>on</strong><br />
and may have been <strong>on</strong>e <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the generals <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Athens. Leagros dedicated a statue to the<br />
twelve gods in the agora around 480 BCE, just before the invasi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Persians. 86<br />
Leagros was at <strong>on</strong>e point a candidate for ostracism, as evidenced by the fact that eightysix<br />
sherds with his name incised <strong>on</strong> the surface were found during an excavati<strong>on</strong> in the<br />
Kerameikos. 87 This indicates that Leagros was a man <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> influence and power. After<br />
thwarting a revolt by Thasos, the Athenians attempted to set up a col<strong>on</strong>y called Ennea<br />
Hodoi (later renamed Amphipolis) <strong>on</strong> the Thracian mainland. The local Thracian tribe,<br />
however, attacked and decimated the Athenian forces, which were then commanded by<br />
Sophanes and Leagros. 88 We know from records that Sophanes was killed in the battle,<br />
but the records are silent <strong>on</strong> the fate <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Leagros. There is a good chance that he was<br />
killed as well. A s<strong>on</strong> remained whose name was Glauk<strong>on</strong>. This Glauk<strong>on</strong> also appears in<br />
kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. Glauk<strong>on</strong> was born in circa 490 BCE and followed in his father’s<br />
footsteps by becoming a general in circa 441/440 BCE. 89 This places the Glauk<strong>on</strong> kalÒw<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s in the date range <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> 475 to 465 BCE.<br />
Certain names that appear both <strong>on</strong> the vases and in the historical record have been<br />
used by some scholars to refine the chr<strong>on</strong>ology <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Athenian painted pottery. For<br />
example, dates can be assigned to the vases with the names Leagros and Glauk<strong>on</strong> based<br />
<strong>on</strong> the appearance <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> their names in the historical record. The proper number <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> years is<br />
subtracted from the dates <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the historical record to obtain the dates for when each would<br />
be c<strong>on</strong>sidered a pa›w. The same is true with Miltiades, victor at Marath<strong>on</strong> in 490 BCE,<br />
86 Shapiro2004, 6.<br />
87 Shapiro 2004, 6.<br />
88 Shapiro 2004, 6.<br />
89 Boardman 1975, 213.<br />
21
whose name may appear <strong>on</strong> a vase much earlier than that event, namely 520-510 BCE. 90<br />
The name Megakles appears <strong>on</strong> a bell-krater attributed to the Orestes Painter as well as a<br />
number <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> other vases (Figure 9). Megakles is then menti<strong>on</strong>ed as a victor at the Olympic<br />
games in 436 BCE. 91<br />
However, for absolute chr<strong>on</strong>ology it is unwise to rely <strong>on</strong> the names<br />
found <strong>on</strong> various vases. Unless the patr<strong>on</strong>ymic is named al<strong>on</strong>g with the youth’s name, it<br />
is uncertain that the individual menti<strong>on</strong>ed <strong>on</strong> the vase is the same individual menti<strong>on</strong>ed in<br />
the records. It is possible that the Miltiades menti<strong>on</strong>ed <strong>on</strong> the vase was the same who<br />
appeared in the Battle <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Marath<strong>on</strong> in 490 BCE. The vase with the name inscribed,<br />
however, is dated to the last years <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the sixth century BCE when the Miltiades known<br />
from the record was in the Thracian Chers<strong>on</strong>ese. 92 Thus certainty in the matter is<br />
impossible. Without the father’s name a scholar can never really be certain <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
identity <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the kalÒw name.<br />
Although not completely useful for absolute chr<strong>on</strong>ology, many scholars agree<br />
that the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s are useful for relative chr<strong>on</strong>ology. Since generally a name appeared<br />
for <strong>on</strong>ly a limited time span, different painters and vases using the same name are likely<br />
to be c<strong>on</strong>temporary. 93<br />
The name would secure the date rather than establish it. KalÒw<br />
names, therefore, do help a little with chr<strong>on</strong>ology.<br />
The kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>s can be found <strong>on</strong> almost every vase type. The most rare<br />
types to carry the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s are the Panathenaic amphorae and the white-ground<br />
lekythoi. The main reas<strong>on</strong> for this is that the inscripti<strong>on</strong> does not fit the c<strong>on</strong>text for which<br />
these vases were made. The artistic program for a Panathenaic amphora was rooted deep<br />
in traditi<strong>on</strong>, and although the art and times <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Greece evolved, the Panathenaic amphora<br />
did not. Rarely was something added or removed. On <strong>on</strong>e prize amphora the name<br />
Euphiletos was added in a kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong> (Figure 10). The inscripti<strong>on</strong> can be found<br />
written around Athena’s shield. 94<br />
The likelihood <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the name bel<strong>on</strong>ging to the winner <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
the event this amphora was given for is slim. The prize vases were made beforehand,<br />
which means that the painter would have had to know the winner <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the event before the<br />
90 Richter 1946, 16.<br />
91 Mannack 2001, 108.<br />
92 Herford 1919, 77.<br />
93 Boardman 1974, 201.<br />
94 Webster 1972, 63.<br />
22
event took place. Webster suggests that Euphiletos had a special c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong> with that<br />
particular festival, possibly in an administrative role. 95 This would suggest that<br />
Euphiletos was not in the age-range <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a pa›w and the painter simply ignored the social<br />
norms when naming him kalÒw. The other possibility is that this inscripti<strong>on</strong> is the <strong>on</strong>e<br />
additi<strong>on</strong> that makes this particular “Panathenaic amphora” an imitati<strong>on</strong>. While all the<br />
other comp<strong>on</strong>ents <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the traditi<strong>on</strong>al Panathenaic amphorae are present, this added<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong> goes completely against traditi<strong>on</strong>. Perhaps the vase was made after the<br />
Panathenaic games and given as a present in commemorati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a win at the games. Or<br />
perhaps the vase painter purposely added this inscripti<strong>on</strong>, recognizing that kalÒw<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> other vases have no real c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong> with the artistic program <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the vase<br />
and felt that this vase should be no different. The kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong> would then work<br />
like the graffiti discussed earlier.<br />
A different amphora has the appearance <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a Panathenaic amphora but <strong>on</strong> closer<br />
inspecti<strong>on</strong> reveals itself as an impostor. On this amphora there is a kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong><br />
with the name Nik<strong>on</strong>, which is inscribed under the horses’ legs in a picture <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a racing<br />
chariot (Figure 11). 96<br />
The traditi<strong>on</strong>al inscripti<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> the Panathenaic amphorae stating<br />
‘from the games at Athens’ is missing, revealing that this particular amphora was not<br />
awarded at the games. Other than the missing inscripti<strong>on</strong> the amphora is identical with<br />
all other prize amphorae. This amphora may have also been made after the race in<br />
commemorati<strong>on</strong> and Nik<strong>on</strong> may have been the true winner <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the event. Since these<br />
specific amphorae are rooted deep in traditi<strong>on</strong>, the appearance or absence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> an<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong> automatically alerts the scholar that the vase is most likely an imitati<strong>on</strong>.<br />
Less than a handful <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>s exist <strong>on</strong> white-ground lekythoi. This<br />
presumably reflects the noti<strong>on</strong> that these inscripti<strong>on</strong>s were not appropriate for the<br />
funerary c<strong>on</strong>text <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> these vases. 97 The painter’s c<strong>on</strong>siderati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the c<strong>on</strong>text <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> these<br />
specific vases indicates that the painters were not as haphazard in their placement <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>s as they might appear to be from other categories <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> vessels. The<br />
painter’s seemingly random placement <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>s within the scenes <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> other<br />
95 Webster 1972, 63.<br />
96 Webster 1972, 63.<br />
97 Commented <strong>on</strong> in Arias 1962, 360.<br />
23
vessels may have been misleading as a whole. While they may have chosen to ignore the<br />
artistic program <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a vase, it seems that the painters did not ignore the c<strong>on</strong>text <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a vase.<br />
The purpose kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>s serve remains shrouded in mystery. One theory<br />
states that they indicate ownership. 98 Webster attempts to c<strong>on</strong>nect different vases, which<br />
have the same kalÒw name, thematically. He does this under the assumpti<strong>on</strong> that the<br />
name in the inscripti<strong>on</strong> is actually the pers<strong>on</strong> who owned or ordered the vase, and the<br />
themes <strong>on</strong> the vases reflect that individual’s interests. 99 His main example is Onetorides<br />
who, like Leagros, was praised as kalÒw when he was a youth and seems to have been<br />
praised past the normal time frame. Webster believes that in the case with Onetorides,<br />
kalÒw takes <strong>on</strong> a c<strong>on</strong>notati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> ‘made to order by Onetorides’ rather than ‘Onetorides is<br />
beautiful’. One <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the vases, a kylix-krater with his name inscribed <strong>on</strong> it, was found <strong>on</strong><br />
the north side <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Acropolis and is believed by the excavators to be a dedicati<strong>on</strong>, not a<br />
symposium vase. 100 The majority <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the vases featuring Onetorides’ name were made by<br />
Exekias and possibly were special orders. From the themes found <strong>on</strong> the vases<br />
Onetorides supposedly owned, Webster pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>iles a man who was probably <strong>on</strong>e <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
Athenian knights, who was interested in the heroes Herakles and Achilles, and who<br />
encouraged Exekias in his artwork. Webster deduces that Onetorides was a knight from<br />
the prevalence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> horses painted in the scenes and that he liked Herakles and Achilles<br />
simply from the number <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> times those heroes appear with his name. This c<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong> is,<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> course, bey<strong>on</strong>d pro<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> since there is nothing to verify that Onetorides was in fact the<br />
owner <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the vases. There is in general no clear evidence indicating who picked the name<br />
for a kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. Moreover, many vases were sold in the public market and even<br />
ended up in foreign countries where the names would have no significance. 101 This is not<br />
to say that there may never have been cases where a kalÒw name was a sign <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
ownership. The main problem with Webster’s theory, and example, is that it seems to try<br />
to make the evidence fit into a theory instead <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> letting the evidence speak for itself.<br />
There is not enough evidence to support this claim.<br />
98 Webster 1972, 64-66.<br />
99 Webster 1972, 65-67.<br />
100 Webster 1972, 65.<br />
101 Cook1997, 246.<br />
24
The general character <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>s is easy enough to identify. The<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s acknowledged some favorite youth <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the day and praised him for their<br />
beauty. N<strong>on</strong>etheless many questi<strong>on</strong>s still remain unanswered. There is the questi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
why the names <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> most men who truly gained significant power were not praised as<br />
kalÒw. When a search is made for Kim<strong>on</strong> or Perikles, n<strong>on</strong>e can be found. 102 A simple<br />
answer may be that these illustrious men were not beautiful or favorites when they were<br />
young. Still another questi<strong>on</strong> is why there was such a quick rise and decline <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. They appear at a time when extensive writing had already been<br />
taking place in black-figure, and disappear right before what may be c<strong>on</strong>sidered the<br />
height <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> literacy. 103 There are also questi<strong>on</strong>s surrounding patr<strong>on</strong>age and why some<br />
painters were loyal to <strong>on</strong>ly <strong>on</strong>e name while other painters pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>essed an interest in several.<br />
Boardman makes an interesting point when he says that the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s cannot be<br />
dismissed as flippantly amorous since they appear <strong>on</strong> vases that have a more serious<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tent, such as vases painted by Exekias with scenes <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> battle, as opposed to scenes <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
dance, athletics, and symposium. As was noted above, however, these inscripti<strong>on</strong>s are<br />
similar to graffiti in so far as they do not have a c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong> to the artistic program <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
scene in which they appear. If, therefore, the kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>s do not need to relate to<br />
the scene, it should not seem odd that they appear in “serious” scenes as well as jovial<br />
scenes.<br />
Still, with all the mystery and unanswered questi<strong>on</strong>s surrounding kalÒw<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s, they <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>fer great insight and informati<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> the culture <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> ancient Athens.<br />
Their form is simple, praising the young aristocrats <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the day with <strong>on</strong>e or two words, and<br />
their c<strong>on</strong>sistency lies in the random placement in and apparent isolati<strong>on</strong> from the artistic<br />
program. These inscripti<strong>on</strong>s allow us to explore relati<strong>on</strong>ship dynamics between the<br />
craftsmen and the upper class. They raise questi<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> patr<strong>on</strong>age and the ancient<br />
workshops. A glimpse is given into the pers<strong>on</strong>alities <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the painters as they role-play<br />
through their inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. Perhaps the greatest informati<strong>on</strong> gleaned is to learn that the<br />
painters did c<strong>on</strong>sider the c<strong>on</strong>text <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the vase when painting the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s, as evidenced<br />
102 Shapiro 2004, 1.<br />
103 Shapiro 2004, 1.<br />
25
y the Panathenaic amphorae and the lekythoi. KalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>s are truly a treasure<br />
for the scholar <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> ancient Athens.<br />
26
CHAPTER 3<br />
BUBBLE INSCRIPTION<br />
Perhaps the most interesting and certainly the most rare inscripti<strong>on</strong>s are bubble<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s: inscripti<strong>on</strong>s issuing from the mouth <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a painted character <strong>on</strong> a vase in order<br />
to indicate speech. The majority <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the time <strong>on</strong>e character speaks a line, sometimes just a<br />
word or two. On the rare occasi<strong>on</strong>, a c<strong>on</strong>versati<strong>on</strong> occurs between characters, an<br />
example <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> which is discussed below. The earliest bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong> appears <strong>on</strong> an<br />
amphora by Exekias in a scene depicting Achilles and Ajax playing a game, dated to ca.<br />
550-530 BCE. The latest known bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong> appears <strong>on</strong> a black-figure oinochoe<br />
by The Athena Painter depicting Odysseus, and is dated to circa 450 BCE. Between the<br />
appearance <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the earliest and latest examples there was a rapid rise in popularity <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong>s, and then a steady decline. 104 Even during the height <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> its popularity<br />
the bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong>s were a rare occurrence. In fact bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong>s occur <strong>on</strong> less<br />
than <strong>on</strong>e figured scene in a thousand. 105<br />
The sharp rise and decline in the popularity <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong>s is rarely<br />
menti<strong>on</strong>ed without accompanying questi<strong>on</strong>s and theories. Snodgrass menti<strong>on</strong>s two<br />
possible reas<strong>on</strong>s for this phenomen<strong>on</strong>. He notes that the rise and decline <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the bubble<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s parallels the rise and decline <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Athenian black figure technique. 106<br />
There is a slight difference in technique when painting an inscripti<strong>on</strong> in black figure and<br />
painting an inscripti<strong>on</strong> in red figure. The difference does not seem so great, however, as<br />
to cause a significant change in the producti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> such inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. Simply a different<br />
color in paint was needed to make the inscripti<strong>on</strong> stand out. The sec<strong>on</strong>d theory seems<br />
more plausible. Snodgrass believes that a cultural reas<strong>on</strong> rather than a technical reas<strong>on</strong> is<br />
the cause <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> such a rise and decline. 107 The Pi<strong>on</strong>eers included bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong>s in their<br />
scenes more than any other group. This may be the reas<strong>on</strong> why the height <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> activity for<br />
104 Snodgrass 2000, 22.<br />
105 Snodgrass 2000, 25.<br />
106 Snodgrass 2000, 31.<br />
107 Snodgrass 2000, 32.<br />
27
the Pi<strong>on</strong>eers corresp<strong>on</strong>ds with the height <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong>s, circa 530-480 BCE. The<br />
resulting c<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong> from this is that the bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong>s were mostly an artistic<br />
expressi<strong>on</strong> by a specific group <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> artists.<br />
Most bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong>s appear <strong>on</strong> vases destined for the symposium. Cups and<br />
various other drinking vessels form the largest group, followed by kraters and other winemixing<br />
bowls, then vases involved in the dispensing and cooling <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> wine. 108 Sympotic<br />
vessels account for just under two thirds <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the total vessels with bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. The<br />
reas<strong>on</strong>s why the artists chose these types <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> vases for bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong>s more so than<br />
any other types are not clear. The scenes painted <strong>on</strong> the vases <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten reflect the events<br />
occurring at the symposium. And therefore the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten imitate real lines heard<br />
at the symposium. For instance, Oltos depicted two hetaerae <strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong>e <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> his red figured<br />
cups (Figure 13). From <strong>on</strong>e <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the hetaerae an inscripti<strong>on</strong> emerges saying ‘p›ne ka‹sÊ’<br />
(‘you drink too’). It is reas<strong>on</strong>able to assume that the choice <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the scene and the<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong> was affected by the purpose <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the vessel.<br />
Snodgrass introduces an interesting theory based <strong>on</strong> the fact that the most bubble<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s relate to the symposium and imitate real situati<strong>on</strong>s and speech. 109 <str<strong>on</strong>g>Ancient</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
Greece was an oral society and, at the time <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s, was possibly just<br />
becoming a literate society. Many scholars comment <strong>on</strong> the preference <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> literate ancient<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g>s to read aloud. This was most likely due to two types <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> writing found in ancient<br />
Greece called scriptio c<strong>on</strong>tinua and boustrophed<strong>on</strong>. Words written in scriptio c<strong>on</strong>tinua<br />
run together. With boustrophed<strong>on</strong>, every line is written in the opposite directi<strong>on</strong> than the<br />
preceding line. Reading the letters aloud gave the ear a chance to recognize the words.<br />
Part <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the desire to read the words aloud may have also arisen from the fact that ancient<br />
Greece was still an oral society and traditi<strong>on</strong> compelled a vocal reading. Hence came<br />
Snodgrass’ theory that a drinker would read the bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> his cup aloud,<br />
which would then elicit a resp<strong>on</strong>se from his neighbor and cause an “impromptu and<br />
involuntary expositi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the scenes to which they [the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s] bel<strong>on</strong>ged.” 110 This<br />
would then lead our symposium participant, as Snodgrass c<strong>on</strong>jectures, to identify and talk<br />
108 Snodgrass 2000, 26.<br />
109 Snodgrass 2000, 26-28.<br />
110 Snodgrass 2000, 27.<br />
28
about the heroes depicted, describe and identify the boys and hetaerae depicted, and<br />
perhaps even read aloud the potter’s and painter’s signature. Whatever the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s<br />
may have incited, the complex reality <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> art imitating life must not be lost <strong>on</strong> the scholar.<br />
The depicti<strong>on</strong>s were <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the activities being performed before the participant’s eyes. The<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong>ly reiterated the events. If the drinker did speak the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s aloud,<br />
then he would <strong>on</strong>ly be expressing what was already being said at the symposium.<br />
Not all bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong>s match real events. A small percentage, five <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> twentytwo,<br />
bel<strong>on</strong>g to mythical scenes. The earliest <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> these mythical scenes is the <strong>on</strong>e<br />
menti<strong>on</strong>ed above depicting Achilles and Ajax playing a board game (Figure 14). This<br />
scene appears <strong>on</strong> an amphora dating between 550 and 530 BCE in the black figure style<br />
and was painted by Exekias. Achilles speaks the word ‘tessara’ (‘four’), while Ajax<br />
speaks the word ‘tr€a’ (‘three’). They are still armed and ready to fight, possibly<br />
alluding to their participati<strong>on</strong> in the Trojan War or indicating a break between battles.<br />
The positi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s is indicative <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> spoken words, for they emit from the<br />
mouths <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the figures. Most scholars believe that Achilles and Ajax are each calling out<br />
their own score for the game. However, another possibility is that they are arguing over<br />
the score. Achilles would be saying that the score is four, but Ajax would be arguing that<br />
the score is in fact three. These bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong>s would then be c<strong>on</strong>sidered a<br />
c<strong>on</strong>versati<strong>on</strong>, which is a rare occurrence <strong>on</strong> vases. In fact there is <strong>on</strong>ly <strong>on</strong>e other<br />
c<strong>on</strong>versati<strong>on</strong> known to appear <strong>on</strong> a vase, and this will be discussed below. If the bubble<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> this Exekias vase are indeed a c<strong>on</strong>versati<strong>on</strong>, then this would be the earliest<br />
c<strong>on</strong>versati<strong>on</strong> found to date.<br />
On a red figure cup by Euthymides circa 530-500 BCE, Herakles enters Olympus<br />
exclaiming ‘(Z)eÊ file’ (‘dear Zeus’ or ‘hail Zeus’) (Figure 15). Herakles is greeting<br />
Zeus, his father. The hero Odysseus figures in the next mythical scene, which appears <strong>on</strong><br />
an oinochoe by the Athena Painter dating between 500 and 450 BCE (Figure 16).<br />
Odysseus faces the Sirens while tied to a mast. He yells to his compani<strong>on</strong>s ‘lus(o)n’<br />
(‘let me go’). In the Odyssey, Odysseus’ compani<strong>on</strong>s were instructed to tie him to the<br />
mast <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the ship and no matter how desperate his cries were, they were not to untie him.<br />
Odysseus then had his crew put wax in their ears to keep them from hearing the Sirens’<br />
29
s<strong>on</strong>gs. 111 The image <strong>on</strong> this vase is the artist’s depicti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the story he had heard. The<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong> adds dimensi<strong>on</strong> and brings the story to life.<br />
The next mythological scene is not always identified as a bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong>.<br />
Theseus and a maiden are painted <strong>on</strong> a red figure cup executed by Oltos in circa 530-500<br />
BCE (Figure 17). According to Immerwahr, the roundel inside the cup shows a maiden<br />
rescued by Theseus from a labyrinth. 112 The words ‘xa›re sÊ’ (‘rejoice you’) appear<br />
between Theseus and the maiden. According to Immerwahr, the words are a comment by<br />
the painter. The painter was either telling Theseus to rejoice at his accomplishment or<br />
simply greeting the hero. It should be noted, however, that the positi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the words in<br />
close proximity to the mouth <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Theseus is c<strong>on</strong>sistent with bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong>s; this<br />
suggests, therefore, that Theseus is in fact telling the maiden to rejoice at their success in<br />
exiting the labyrinth.<br />
The <strong>on</strong>e or two words that bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong>s c<strong>on</strong>tribute do not help to explain<br />
the scenes <strong>on</strong> the vases. Take, for example, the Odysseus vase menti<strong>on</strong>ed above. The<br />
bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong> ‘untie me’ would work just as well for a war captive as it would for the<br />
story <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Odysseus. The true meaning <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the scene is found in the scene itself. All the<br />
comp<strong>on</strong>ents work together in the picture to suggest the intended moment. A viewer<br />
would see a ship <strong>on</strong> the seas, with a man tied to the mast. His surrounding crew and the<br />
Sirens would complete the picture and call to mind Odysseus. Therefore, the picture is<br />
made up <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> many motifs that add up as clues to the meaning <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the whole. The<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tributi<strong>on</strong> the bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong> makes to the scene is to show the viewer the specific<br />
moment in the event. It also adds life to the picture, which adds another dimensi<strong>on</strong>. In<br />
the case <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the symposium depicti<strong>on</strong>s, the scene and the inscripti<strong>on</strong> seem equal in<br />
importance, but the inscripti<strong>on</strong> is actually more <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> an embellishment to the scene. The<br />
red figure cup by Oltos menti<strong>on</strong>ed above shows <strong>on</strong>e hetaera playing an instrument while<br />
another holds out a cup. The inscripti<strong>on</strong>, translated as ‘you drink too,’ does not explain<br />
the scene and does not al<strong>on</strong>e add significance to the scene. The viewer can tell without<br />
the inscripti<strong>on</strong> what the scene depicts and can safely assume that it is a symposium scene.<br />
111 Homer The Odyssey, 12.161-185.<br />
112 Immerwahr 1990, 61.<br />
30
Bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong>s are rare, and most express a single thought through simple<br />
grammar. However, c<strong>on</strong>versati<strong>on</strong>s between characters <strong>on</strong> vases do exist. The closest<br />
thing to a c<strong>on</strong>versati<strong>on</strong> depicted in the vases already menti<strong>on</strong>ed is the Achilles and Ajax<br />
vase. Both <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the characters speak, but the scene is not typically c<strong>on</strong>sidered a<br />
c<strong>on</strong>versati<strong>on</strong> because it is believed that the characters are addressing the game and not<br />
each other. However, it is possible that Ajax and Achilles could be arguing over the<br />
score, which would then classify their comments as a c<strong>on</strong>versati<strong>on</strong>. This idea was<br />
explored above in the discussi<strong>on</strong> focused <strong>on</strong> that vase. The c<strong>on</strong>versati<strong>on</strong> would be very<br />
simple, involving <strong>on</strong>e-word comments.<br />
There is <strong>on</strong>e known instance <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a c<strong>on</strong>versati<strong>on</strong> involving more than <strong>on</strong>e word<br />
comments. It appears <strong>on</strong> a red figure pelike by the Pi<strong>on</strong>eer Group, possibly the work <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
Euphr<strong>on</strong>ios, dating to circa 530-500 BCE (Figure 18). The scene depicts the sighting <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
the first swallow. The youth comments, ‘fidoÁ xelidÒn’ (‘look, a swallow’). A man then<br />
replies, ‘nØ tÚn ‘Hrakl°a’ (‘by Herakles, you are right’). Another boy acknowledges<br />
the swallow by saying, ‘aÍth€’ (‘there it is’). In the field the words ‘ar ≥dh’ (‘spring<br />
is here’) appear. 113 The nature <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the c<strong>on</strong>versati<strong>on</strong> flows like real speech when each<br />
comment is read <strong>on</strong>e after the other. The sighting <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the first swallow was an important<br />
event in ancient Greece. Not <strong>on</strong>ly did it signify that spring had arrived, but it also helped<br />
the farmer recognize the appropriate time for pruning vines. 114 The purpose <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> this type<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> vase does not seem to have a c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong> to the discourse between the characters (a<br />
pelike was used for the storage <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> oil, probably perfumed rather than culinary). 115 Most<br />
likely, the owner was the link between the purpose <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the vase and the subject <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
scene. If the vase was commissi<strong>on</strong>ed, then the importance <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> this event to the owner’s<br />
life could be why he picked the scene. The owner could also have dictated to the painter<br />
what the scene should depict and what the characters should say. If he desired to show a<br />
c<strong>on</strong>firmati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the sighting as well as the initial sighting, then a c<strong>on</strong>versati<strong>on</strong> would<br />
naturally follow.<br />
113 Richter 1958, 15.<br />
114 Hannah 2001, 142.<br />
115 Boardman 1974, 186.<br />
31
A sec<strong>on</strong>d pelike gives an interesting twist <strong>on</strong> bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. It dates to same<br />
period as the previous <strong>on</strong>e, 530-500 BCE and bel<strong>on</strong>gs to the Leagros Group. Depicted in<br />
black figure is an oil merchant selling his oil to a customer (Figure 19). As he dispenses<br />
the oil, he says ‘Œ ZeË pãter a‡ye ploÊsiow gen [o€µan]’ (‘Father Zeus, would that I<br />
might get rich’). 116 It is a very interesting inscripti<strong>on</strong>, because, instead <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> emitting from<br />
the character’s mouth, the inscripti<strong>on</strong> runs from his midsecti<strong>on</strong> to the buyer’s midsecti<strong>on</strong>.<br />
I have established that a bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong> typically emits from the characters mouth in<br />
imitati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> spoken words. It is highly unlikely that a merchant would ask Zeus to make<br />
him rich in fr<strong>on</strong>t <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the buyer, but it is possible that the merchant would say a prayer for<br />
such a thing to himself while making the sale. Therefore, I believe that the words<br />
emitting from the midsecti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the merchant may be indicative <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the words coming<br />
from inside. 117<br />
The rarity <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong>ly adds to their interest. They give charm and<br />
life to a scene, which may have c<strong>on</strong>tributed to their quick rise in popularity. Their steady<br />
decline may have been due to the fact that they did not c<strong>on</strong>tribute meaning to the scenes.<br />
The c<strong>on</strong>scious effort <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the painter to positi<strong>on</strong> the inscripti<strong>on</strong> near the mouth <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
character shows an eagerness to stay faithful to real life and eliminate ambiguity as much<br />
as possible. This c<strong>on</strong>sciousness is even evident in the painting <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the oil merchant, where<br />
an inner thought was distinguished from a spoken thought by the positi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>. The bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong>s appeared <strong>on</strong> symposium vases more than any other<br />
type <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> vase. There the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s and scenes would mirror activities at the symposium.<br />
Though they possessed charm and attempted to reflecti<strong>on</strong> real life, in the early fifth<br />
century, bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong>s disappeared.<br />
116 Boardman 1974, 201; Richter 1946, 15.<br />
117 Interestingly, there was a belief in ancient Greece that the seat <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> intellect was in the<br />
heart and not in the brain. Therefore, it would not have been unusual that a inner thought<br />
would be painted as coming from the mid-secti<strong>on</strong>. Aristotle and the Stoics were<br />
supporters <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> this theory (Tieleman 2002, 260).<br />
32
CHAPTER 4<br />
CAPTIONS, LABELS, TOASTS, AND COMMENTS<br />
The four categories discussed in this chapter are capti<strong>on</strong>s, labels, toasts, and<br />
comments. Capti<strong>on</strong>s, toasts, and comments are rare, but labels are fairly prevalent. The<br />
functi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> these inscripti<strong>on</strong>s are simple and therefore do not raise many theories. Most<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the theories come from speculati<strong>on</strong> as to what the painter really meant to say in the<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>. Despite the lack <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>troversy, their c<strong>on</strong>tributi<strong>on</strong> is just as great and at<br />
times they are just as enigmatic as the previous categories.<br />
Capti<strong>on</strong>s are inscripti<strong>on</strong>s that help to identify the subject <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a scene, the acti<strong>on</strong> in a<br />
scene, or the functi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a vase. A black-figure dinos executed by Sophilos in circa 580<br />
B.C.E., with the capti<strong>on</strong> ‘Games <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Patroklos’ written by the scene, is an example <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a<br />
capti<strong>on</strong> used to identify the subject <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a scene (Figure 20). 118 This particular vase is the<br />
oldest depicti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> funerary games in which we can identify the story behind the funeral<br />
games. 119 This would not have been possible without the inscripti<strong>on</strong>. Sophilos depicts a<br />
scene <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a chariot race being watched by spectators sitting in stands. The spectators<br />
sitting <strong>on</strong> the left watch the horse race and the spectators sitting <strong>on</strong> the right focus either<br />
<strong>on</strong> another part <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the race or <strong>on</strong> another event. Sophilos even had a spectator turn from<br />
watching the event before him to watch the horse race. On account <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the stands, an<br />
ancient viewer could easily believe this depicti<strong>on</strong> to be a c<strong>on</strong>test at <strong>on</strong>e <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
c<strong>on</strong>temporary games or festivals. In fact, the stands would have ruled out the funeral<br />
games <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Patroklos since they are an architectural structure and do not fit with the<br />
impromptu games held in Troy. 120 This fact illustrates an important characteristic <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
capti<strong>on</strong>s, which is that when a capti<strong>on</strong> is missing, the interpretati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the scene is left to<br />
the viewer and the viewer may miss the intended message <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the artist. In this dinos,<br />
Sophilos made sure that the viewer knew what he wished to depict by titling his scene.<br />
Unfortunately, capti<strong>on</strong>s are rarely found.<br />
118 Boardman 1974, 201.<br />
119 Roller 1981, 108.<br />
120 Roller 1981, 109.<br />
33
The capti<strong>on</strong> group not <strong>on</strong>ly identifies subjects <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> scenes but also provides<br />
descripti<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the acti<strong>on</strong> occurring in the scenes. On a psykter by Oltos in New York,<br />
athletes train in the palaestra (Figure 21). 121 One athlete is shown swinging his jumping<br />
weights accompanied by the commentary ‘èloʵenow e‰si’ (‘he is going to jump’).<br />
Unlike the capti<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> the dinos, the capti<strong>on</strong> here was probably unnecessary. The<br />
jumping weights would have signaled to the viewer the intended acti<strong>on</strong>. Perhaps the<br />
artist wanted the viewer to know the precise moment he was painting; the moment right<br />
before the athlete jumped. In comparing the dinos and the psykter, the reality becomes<br />
clear that capti<strong>on</strong>s were placed <strong>on</strong> the vase at the whim <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the painter. One capti<strong>on</strong> is<br />
necessary to explain the scene and the other is not. The decisi<strong>on</strong> to include a capti<strong>on</strong> was<br />
up to the painter, whether the capti<strong>on</strong> was necessary or not, and the lack <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> capti<strong>on</strong>s for<br />
scenes that need explanati<strong>on</strong> highlight this fact.<br />
One class <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> capti<strong>on</strong>s, which describe the functi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the vase, occurs <strong>on</strong> the<br />
Panathenaic amphorae. The capti<strong>on</strong> reads ‘t«n ÉAyÆnhyen êylvn’ (‘a prize from<br />
Athens’) (Figure 22). 122 This capti<strong>on</strong> can be called a formula since the form <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the letters<br />
does not change with time. In the fourth century BCE some <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Panathenaic amphorae<br />
were inscribed with the name <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the arch<strong>on</strong>. The arch<strong>on</strong>’s name was written in the<br />
modern style <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> writing as opposed to the antiquated style <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the capti<strong>on</strong>. 123 Traditi<strong>on</strong><br />
was <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the utmost importance in the making <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Panathenaic amphorae. This is clearly<br />
shown by the capti<strong>on</strong>, which used traditi<strong>on</strong>al lettering regardless <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the time period or<br />
developing forms <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> letters. We saw in the previous chapter <strong>on</strong> kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>s that a<br />
Panathenaic amphora bore a kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong> praising the youth Nik<strong>on</strong>. However, this<br />
was not an <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ficial Panathenaic amphora because it was missing the traditi<strong>on</strong>al capti<strong>on</strong><br />
found <strong>on</strong> all the amphorae awarded as prizes. If the Panathenaic amphorae had not<br />
required a strict traditi<strong>on</strong> in regard to inscripti<strong>on</strong>s, then the Nik<strong>on</strong> vase would have<br />
possibly passed for a true Panathenaic amphora. The capti<strong>on</strong>, or rather the absence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
capti<strong>on</strong>, proved imperative for establishing the validity <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the amphora.<br />
121 Richter 1958, 49; Richter 1946, 15.<br />
122 Cook 1997, 243.<br />
123 Cook 1997, 243; Clark et al. 2002, 127.<br />
34
Labels described scenes as well, but in a more specific sense than the capti<strong>on</strong>s; by<br />
labeling individuals and objects involved in the scene rather than what the scene<br />
portrayed in general. The first appearance <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a label dates to the sec<strong>on</strong>d quarter <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
seventh century BCE. 124 The use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> labels varied but they generally appear in the archaic<br />
and early classical periods <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> history. The majority <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> labels bel<strong>on</strong>g to single<br />
figures or objects. There are, however, examples <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> groups <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> figures that are labeled. 125<br />
This occurs when the groups <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> figures are c<strong>on</strong>sidered as <strong>on</strong>e entity and therefore are<br />
labeled as <strong>on</strong>e. For example, the seven against Thebes could be labeled individually by a<br />
name appearing near each figure, or together as <strong>on</strong>e entity under the label Seven Against<br />
Thebes. Either way the labels would be describing that specific group. Other than the<br />
presence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> mind in the painter to place the label next to the figure he wished to imply,<br />
there was no regard to the positi<strong>on</strong>, angle or directi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the inscripti<strong>on</strong>. The label<br />
remained at the mercy <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the space around the figure.<br />
When mythological scenes became popular, it is possible that a need arose for<br />
labels to identify the main players involved in the scene. 126 The majority <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> figures<br />
labeled were gods or heroes, each <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> whom had a complex ic<strong>on</strong>ography and could <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten<br />
be recognized from <strong>on</strong>e <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> their attributes. The ic<strong>on</strong>ography then rendered the labels<br />
useless. N<strong>on</strong>etheless, many characters whose identities are clear appear with a label<br />
while other characters that seem more ambiguous to the scholar are lacking a label. The<br />
painter may have wanted to label <strong>on</strong>ly the important characters and therefore <strong>on</strong>ly labeled<br />
the most obvious characters because they were integral to the story being told. The<br />
unimportant characters then received no label. This would be unproblematic to the<br />
ancient <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> who might readily recognize the unimportant character, but to the modern<br />
scholar <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> ancient Greece the unimportant characters are unidentifiable. The painter may<br />
have also felt a sense <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> duty to label the more important characters in an attempt to show<br />
respect by drawing attenti<strong>on</strong> to that character from the others. Rarely does a label help<br />
scholars to identify a new character. 127 As a whole, the use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> labeling is c<strong>on</strong>siderably<br />
inc<strong>on</strong>sistent, and therefore unreliable as evidence. We find that, like the kalÒw<br />
124 Cook 1997, 242.<br />
125 Cook 1997, 242.<br />
126 Cook 1997, 243.<br />
127 Cook 1997, 243.<br />
35
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s with chr<strong>on</strong>ology, the labels can <strong>on</strong>ly be used as supporting evidence for<br />
identifying characters.<br />
The best example <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> labeling <strong>on</strong> a vase is the François Vase, which was made by<br />
Ergotimos and painted by Kleitias in circa 570 BCE (Figure 23). This vase boasts <strong>on</strong>e<br />
hundred twenty-nine inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. It has five figured bands; the upper four are mythical<br />
and labeled and the lowest is an animal frieze. On the handles there are two scenes and<br />
the lower <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the two are inscribed. The lower handle scene inscripti<strong>on</strong>s identify Ajax<br />
carrying the body <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Achilles. 128 Immerwahr believes that the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s are there not<br />
<strong>on</strong>ly to clarify the scenes but to also act as an independent narrative. The labels give the<br />
impressi<strong>on</strong> that the story is being told in words, and therefore the story can be heard as<br />
well as seen. The excessive amount <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> inscripti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> the vase seems to take clarity and<br />
narrative to a heightened level. Nothing escapes the notice <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the painter and everything<br />
<strong>on</strong> the vase seems to have an inscripti<strong>on</strong>. Even objects such as the hydria are labeled.<br />
The vase attracts attenti<strong>on</strong> today <strong>on</strong> account <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> its free use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. While other<br />
vases may have used inscripti<strong>on</strong>s to the same extent, this is the <strong>on</strong>ly <strong>on</strong>e found to date.<br />
Though excessive, the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s are by no means perfect. There are errors in the<br />
words, which could simply be due to misspelling. However, the errors suggest to<br />
Immerwahr that a model was available, whether text or another vase, and the scenes were<br />
copied from this model <strong>on</strong>to the vase. 129 This may be possible, but variati<strong>on</strong>s in spelling<br />
occur throughout all vase inscripti<strong>on</strong>s, so it is difficult to prove Immerwahr’s theory<br />
without first finding the model. Without the model to compare and c<strong>on</strong>trast the spelling<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the words to the labels <strong>on</strong> the vase, there is no c<strong>on</strong>crete way to establish that the<br />
misspellings are due to copying. Even if a model were available to the painters,<br />
misspellings could occur if the painters saw the model but copied it from memory. Since<br />
the society as a whole was a largely oral society and texts were <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten read aloud, some<br />
artists could have spelled words by the way they sound. This would create discrepancies<br />
in spelling c<strong>on</strong>stantly.<br />
With toasts, the painter either addresses the viewer or specifically names an<br />
individual he wishes to toast. A hetaera named Smikra gives a famous toast to the<br />
128 Immerwahr 1990, 24.<br />
129 Immerwahr 1990, 25.<br />
36
popular Leagros <strong>on</strong> a psykter painted by Euph<strong>on</strong>ios (Figure 24). She states ‘t‹n tãnde<br />
latãssv, L°agre’ (“this <strong>on</strong>e’s for you, Leagros”). 130<br />
On a hydria by Phintias a<br />
hetaera playing kottabas toasts the painter Euthymides; ‘so‹ thnd€, EÈyuµ€dh’ (“this<br />
<strong>on</strong>e’s for you, Euthymides”) (Figure 25). 131 Then there are the generic toasts such as<br />
prosagoreÊv (“I greet you”), which occur <strong>on</strong> a series <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> alabastra and vases that were<br />
executed in a style similar to the Pasiades Painter and the Euergides Painter (Figure<br />
26). 132 Most toasts occur <strong>on</strong> lip cups where the reserved space <strong>on</strong> the exterior <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the rim<br />
allowed for the use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> an inscripti<strong>on</strong>. 133<br />
In fact, the traditi<strong>on</strong> to use that space <strong>on</strong> lip cups<br />
for an inscripti<strong>on</strong> may have been the motivating factor for the painter to inscribe a toast.<br />
The toast would then be similar to the signatures discussed above in that they fulfilled a<br />
need to occupy space.<br />
Comments by the painter are found <strong>on</strong> few vases. At times these comments are<br />
directed towards the figures <strong>on</strong> the vase. In <strong>on</strong>e scene showing Theseus wrestling with a<br />
man, the painter, Euthymides, adds the phrase “well d<strong>on</strong>e” (‘eÔge, na€ki’), as a<br />
complement to Theseus’ skills at wrestling (Figure 27). 134<br />
On the red figure cup by Oltos<br />
menti<strong>on</strong>ed in the previous chapter, Immerwahr believes the painter is addressing Theseus<br />
as he emerges from the labyrinth (Figure 17). The painter’s comments could also be<br />
aimed at the viewer or even at another painter. For example, an amphora painted by<br />
Euthymides carries the inscripti<strong>on</strong> ‘…w oÈd°pote EÈfrÒniow’ (“as never Euphr<strong>on</strong>ios”)<br />
(Figure 28). 135<br />
Scholars have presented various interpretati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> this phrase. Beazley<br />
menti<strong>on</strong>s an old interpretati<strong>on</strong> that this was an envious cry from Euthymides showing his<br />
jealousy <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> his rival Euphr<strong>on</strong>ious. 136<br />
Beazley, however, believes that the comment came<br />
as a result <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a friendly rivalry between the two artists. Boardman menti<strong>on</strong>s a recent<br />
theory that the competiti<strong>on</strong> between the artists was about dancing or reveling. 137<br />
This has<br />
been theorized because the comment appears in a scene depicting dancing and reveling.<br />
130 Shapiro 2004, 8.<br />
131 Kurtz 1989, 47.<br />
132 Richter 1946, 15.<br />
133 Cook 1997, 245.<br />
134 Immerwahr 1990. 73.<br />
135 Kurtz 1989, 47.<br />
136 Kurtz 1989, 47.<br />
137 Boardman 2001, 147.<br />
37
We have seen in previous chapters that the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s’ meanings do not necessarily<br />
have to c<strong>on</strong>nect with the scene in which they are found. This is true <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the kalÒw<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s that have no apparent c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong>. Although c<strong>on</strong>siderati<strong>on</strong> has been given to<br />
the theory that the competiti<strong>on</strong> between Euthymides and Euph<strong>on</strong>ious was about dancing<br />
or reveling, scholars have tended to come back to the idea that the competiti<strong>on</strong> was about<br />
painting skills, alluding to the fact that the figures Euthymides paints <strong>on</strong> this particular<br />
amphora show an excellent understanding in foreshortening. 138<br />
Euphr<strong>on</strong>ious himself aims a comment at another painter in an inscripti<strong>on</strong>. The<br />
comment can be found <strong>on</strong> an amphora dating to ca. 490 B.C.E (Figure 29). On the vase,<br />
Herakles is shown with his club raised and the Amaz<strong>on</strong> Barkida aims at him with her<br />
bow. Herakles stands <strong>on</strong> a base that bears an inscripti<strong>on</strong>, ‘doke› Sµikr“ e‰nai’ (“It<br />
seems to Smikros to be”). Beazley c<strong>on</strong>cludes that there is a piece <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the inscripti<strong>on</strong><br />
missing <strong>on</strong> side B, and he therefore translates the inscripti<strong>on</strong> “It seems to Smikros [that<br />
Herakles is beautiful]”. 139 Ohly-Dumm, suggests that the correct interpretati<strong>on</strong> is<br />
“[Herakles] seems to be [like this] to Smikros”. 140 According to Schmidt, the translati<strong>on</strong><br />
means, “It seems to Smikros that he is [Herakles]”, whereas Sim<strong>on</strong>, understanding<br />
smikros to be an adjective and not a proper name, translates the inscripti<strong>on</strong> as “[Herakles]<br />
seems to be small [to the Amaz<strong>on</strong>]”. I c<strong>on</strong>sider the best to be Neer’s interpretati<strong>on</strong><br />
simply because it does not try to add or take away from the original inscripti<strong>on</strong>. From the<br />
literal translati<strong>on</strong>, “It seems to Smikros to be,” Neer theorizes that “it” refers to Herakles<br />
and that the verb “to be” should take <strong>on</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>notati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> “to exist.” The inscripti<strong>on</strong><br />
would then be translated as, “Herakles seems to Smikros to exist.” Neer arrives at this<br />
translati<strong>on</strong> from noticing the base that Herakles is standing <strong>on</strong>, which Furtwängler<br />
observed as well. 141 The base is a statue base indicating that Herakles is in fact a statue.<br />
The inscripti<strong>on</strong> is even written using interpuncts, which is a st<strong>on</strong>ecutter’s device. 142<br />
Barkida, however, is depicted as a real character. This means that Barkida is making a<br />
mistake by taking aim at Herakles. Sim<strong>on</strong> points to the fact that Herakles foot is lifted<br />
138 Arias 1962, 326.<br />
139 ARV 2 1619.<br />
140 Ohly-Dumm 1974, 25-26.<br />
141 Neer 2002, 120; Furtwängler et al. 1904-1909, 2:8.<br />
142 Neer 2002, 120.<br />
38
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f the base, which leads Sim<strong>on</strong> to the c<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong> that Herakles is <strong>on</strong>e <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the famous<br />
automata made by Daidalos. 143 When Euphr<strong>on</strong>ios says that Smikros believes Herakles<br />
exists, he is accusing Smikros <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> making the same mistake that Barkida makes.<br />
Euphr<strong>on</strong>ios’ statement compliments his own skills as a painter by implying that his<br />
painting looks so real, it fooled Smikros. 144 In reality, Smikros was probably not fooled<br />
into thinking that the painting was a real man, but the toast fulfills its original purpose <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
bringing attenti<strong>on</strong> to the artist’s skills in painting.<br />
These comments are w<strong>on</strong>derful for building pers<strong>on</strong>alities for the vase-painters.<br />
They allow us to see the competitive side <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> their nature. Euthymides’ asserti<strong>on</strong> that his<br />
painting was better than anything Euphr<strong>on</strong>ios ever painted suggests that the artists were<br />
familiar with each other’s work and tried to surpass each other’s skills. Both<br />
Euthymides’ and Euph<strong>on</strong>ios’ comments reveal the painters’ opini<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> themselves; they<br />
were c<strong>on</strong>fident and believed themselves to be superior painters. The comments do not<br />
come across as mean-natured. It is possible that the community <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> vase-painters fostered<br />
positive competiti<strong>on</strong> and sought each other’s high opini<strong>on</strong>. In fact, Euph<strong>on</strong>ios’ comment<br />
seems to be in jest, and it is easy to imagine that the comment developed from a remark<br />
Smikros made about his painting. The signatures were vital for piecing together events in<br />
the lives <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> these vase-painters, but the comments are vital for piecing together the<br />
pers<strong>on</strong>alities <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the men resp<strong>on</strong>sible for the painted scenes.<br />
The simplicity found in the form and functi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> these inscripti<strong>on</strong>s could at times<br />
lead to an understatement in their importance. Up<strong>on</strong> closer investigati<strong>on</strong>, however, the<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s are very informative. Capti<strong>on</strong>s can identify scenes that would otherwise be<br />
misinterpreted, and can even help to authenticate the Panathenaic amphorae through their<br />
presence or absence. Although labels do not help us to identify new figures <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten, they<br />
do help the painter to draw attenti<strong>on</strong> to specific figures. The toasts help to fill an<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>al space, much like the signatures, but they also make the scene more pers<strong>on</strong>al<br />
to the viewer, especially in the cases where the viewer is addressed and not just another<br />
figure in the scene. The comments are helpful in establishing the painter’s pers<strong>on</strong>ality.<br />
There was no traditi<strong>on</strong>al format the painter had to follow when writing a comment and so<br />
143 Sim<strong>on</strong> 1992, 95.<br />
144 Neer 2002, 122.<br />
39
the painter freely wrote what he intended to say, and thus revealed a little <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> his<br />
pers<strong>on</strong>ality in the process. The informati<strong>on</strong> these inscripti<strong>on</strong>s provide is priceless when<br />
cultivating an understanding <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> ancient Greece and specifically <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the community <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
vase-painters. They are, therefore, rarely overlooked when studying <strong>Attic</strong> inscripti<strong>on</strong>s.<br />
40
CHAPTER 5<br />
NONSENSE INSCRIPTIONS<br />
Imitati<strong>on</strong> inscripti<strong>on</strong>s, called n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s, began to appear at the<br />
beginning <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the sec<strong>on</strong>d quarter <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the sixth century BCE, possibly as a result <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the rise<br />
in popularity <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> vase inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. In form they look like inscripti<strong>on</strong>s, but they are not.<br />
N<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s do not communicate any real thought. While some n<strong>on</strong>sense<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s imitate a series <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> words, others are simply a string <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> letters. 145 Athens was<br />
most likely the place <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> origin since they are not comm<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> Corinthian vases. 146 In fact,<br />
Immerwahr believes that when n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s become popular <strong>on</strong> Corinthian<br />
vases in the sixth century BCE it was in imitati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the <strong>Attic</strong> traditi<strong>on</strong>. 147<br />
As noted above in the previous chapters, inscripti<strong>on</strong>s that appear <strong>on</strong> vases are an<br />
additi<strong>on</strong> to the scene rather than a defining characteristic. The inscripti<strong>on</strong>s do not <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>fer<br />
any real clues to the acti<strong>on</strong>s taking place in a scene but they do add another dimensi<strong>on</strong> to<br />
the story. The inscripti<strong>on</strong>s give the illusi<strong>on</strong> that the story is being told in words al<strong>on</strong>g<br />
with the picture. This can be seen most clearly in the François Vase, where every object<br />
is identified with a word. 148 The objects exist not <strong>on</strong>ly in sight but also in sound. The<br />
use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s is therefore easy to understand. They preserve the illusi<strong>on</strong>,<br />
even though the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s themselves do not communicate anything. The n<strong>on</strong>sense<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s are then a comment <strong>on</strong> the status <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> inscripti<strong>on</strong>s as a whole. <str<strong>on</strong>g>Inscripti<strong>on</strong>s</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
must have possessed a certain value for a painter to feel compelled to copy the<br />
practice. 149<br />
On certain types <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> vases the inscripti<strong>on</strong> is an important part <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the decorati<strong>on</strong><br />
program. This is true <strong>on</strong> Little Master cups, where there is a designated space for an<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>. Here a n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong> may have replaced an inscripti<strong>on</strong> simply to<br />
145 Immerwahr 1990, 44.<br />
146 Immerwahr 1990, 44.<br />
147 Immerwahr 1990, 44.<br />
148 Immerwahr 1990, 45.<br />
149 Boardman 1974, 200.<br />
41
preserve fashi<strong>on</strong>. 150 In fact the traditi<strong>on</strong> was so str<strong>on</strong>g that there are examples where an<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong> is indicated by rows <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> painted dots. 151 The vase painter working with this<br />
specific type <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> vase may have felt the pressure to include an inscripti<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> account <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
the str<strong>on</strong>g traditi<strong>on</strong> even if he was not literate. Necessity and traditi<strong>on</strong> would then be the<br />
motivating factor for writing a n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong> or a row <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> dots instead <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a desire to<br />
display <strong>on</strong>e’s own literacy.<br />
A comm<strong>on</strong> theory for the occurrence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s is that painters<br />
utilized them in order to give the impressi<strong>on</strong> that they were literate. 152 This motive,<br />
however, would <strong>on</strong>ly work with n<strong>on</strong>-literate viewers. Examples exist where sense and<br />
n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s appear <strong>on</strong> the same vase, written by the same hand. In these cases,<br />
Immerwahr believes that the painter was literate and inscribed the scene with n<strong>on</strong>sense<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s because he felt it was necessary to include an inscripti<strong>on</strong>, even though there<br />
was no precise informati<strong>on</strong> to impart. 153 Snodgrass points out that this theory assumes it<br />
is easier to write random letters rather than letters that form real words. 154 The most<br />
probable theory comes from Boardman. He believes that the co-existing sense and<br />
n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s suggest a mixture <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> copying and imaginati<strong>on</strong>. 155 The painter<br />
would copy a vase and its inscripti<strong>on</strong>s, and he would perhaps feel that more inscripti<strong>on</strong>s<br />
were necessary. For these inscripti<strong>on</strong>s, he would use his imaginati<strong>on</strong> to form words or<br />
string <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> letters, since it is likely that he himself was unable to form words out <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> letters.<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>Inscripti<strong>on</strong>s</str<strong>on</strong>g> can be c<strong>on</strong>nected through similar handwriting and letterform. This is<br />
also true <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. The later workshops, especially the <strong>on</strong>es that<br />
produced the vases <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Leagros Group, as well as the <strong>on</strong>es that produced the blackfigure<br />
lekythoi, show similar tendencies in their n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. 156 For painters,<br />
the use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong> could have been a ‘trade-mark’, a defining characteristic<br />
much like the Nikosthenes signatures and the Kleophrades Painter’s ‘kalÚw e‰’. 157 There<br />
150 Boardman 1974, 200.<br />
151 Noble 1966, 68; Immerwahr 1990, 44.<br />
152 Clark et al. 2002, 100.<br />
153 Immerwahr 1990, 45.<br />
154 Snodgrass 2000, 30.<br />
155 Boardman 1974, 201.<br />
156 Immerwahr 1990, 45.<br />
157 Immerwahr 1990, 45.<br />
42
are examples <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> painters who repeat n<strong>on</strong>sense formulae. One such example is the Sappho<br />
Painter’s lilislis, loloslos, etotot, et cetera. 158 Tracking these tendencies is just as<br />
important for scholars as tracking them in sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. Both can lead to the<br />
identificati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a painter, link vases, and provide informati<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> the development <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
letterforms.<br />
Although the Kleophrades Painter was known for his phrase ‘kalÚw e‰’, he was<br />
also known to have used n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s frequently. N<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s are<br />
especially characteristic <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> his early works. The amphora in Vienna discussed in the<br />
above chapter <strong>on</strong> signatures bears some n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. Richter was able to “read”<br />
the words ISTE; GEIOG (retr.); ΩE; EIS; IOI. 159 The inscripti<strong>on</strong>s below the athletes <strong>on</strong><br />
this same vase, which were at first interpreted as signatures, were later discovered to be<br />
n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. As stated before, this did not change the c<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong> that the<br />
painter was indeed the Kleophrades Painter and that his real name was Epiktetos. The<br />
n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong>ly added another piece <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> evidence to the c<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong> since the<br />
Kleophrades Painter used n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s and this amphora is c<strong>on</strong>sidered to be <strong>on</strong>e<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> his early works. The artist, although possibly illiterate, was aware <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the use for<br />
different inscripti<strong>on</strong>s, as evidenced by his imitati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> what might be c<strong>on</strong>sidered a more<br />
specific use for an inscripti<strong>on</strong>, a signature. In fact, he imitated it so well that it fooled<br />
modern scholars for some time. The n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s were then occasi<strong>on</strong>ally<br />
effective in imitating inscripti<strong>on</strong>s and in fooling the viewer.<br />
At times it is possible to recognize the specific type <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> inscripti<strong>on</strong> the painter is<br />
imitating, such as the Kleophrades Painter’s imitati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a signature. A black-figure cup<br />
in a private collecti<strong>on</strong> provides an especially interesting example <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> an inscripti<strong>on</strong><br />
imitati<strong>on</strong> (Figure 30). 160 Between the terminal palmettes there are three busts <strong>on</strong> each<br />
side. On side A, two male busts are <strong>on</strong> either side <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a female bust, and <strong>on</strong> side B all<br />
three busts are female. The left male and the middle female (side A) face each other. In<br />
fr<strong>on</strong>t <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> each face a n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong> forms an arch upwards. The inscripti<strong>on</strong> in fr<strong>on</strong>t<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the man reads ‘ONENOIEN’ in retrograde while the inscripti<strong>on</strong> in fr<strong>on</strong>t <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
158 Boardman 1974, 200.<br />
159 Richter 1936, 105.<br />
160 Vanderpool 1945, 436.<br />
43
woman reads ‘KNIONI’. Nothing is menti<strong>on</strong>ed about the possible functi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s in the article that published the vase, but I believe that these inscripti<strong>on</strong>s<br />
could be imitating bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. As noted above, bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong>s emerge from<br />
the area around the mouth and at times curve toward the character in which they are<br />
addressing. The positi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the characters’ heads call to mind c<strong>on</strong>versati<strong>on</strong>s. This may<br />
be a coincidence since two out <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the three busts would naturally have to face each other<br />
given the manner in which they were painted. Once they were painted, however, the<br />
artist could have easily envisi<strong>on</strong>ed the two facing <strong>on</strong>e another in c<strong>on</strong>versati<strong>on</strong>.<br />
Immerwahr observes that the <strong>Attic</strong> n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s originate during the<br />
excitement <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the modernized script that came into use around the time <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the François<br />
Vase (570-550 BCE). 161 In fact, all the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s seem to have had a pr<strong>on</strong>ounced<br />
popularity around the middle to end <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the sixth century BCE (namely 550-530 BCE).<br />
Literacy in ancient Greece was steadily growing since the seventh century BCE, and with<br />
the instituti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Athenian democracy, literacy became an important possessi<strong>on</strong> for the<br />
citizens <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Athens. This was <strong>on</strong> account <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fact that a certain degree <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> literacy was<br />
needed to participate in the Athenian government. The system required ordinary citizens<br />
to maintain membership lists, voters’ rolls, and military records. 162 Vote or lot<br />
determined what <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>fices the citizens held, and there was a large turnover for the<br />
positi<strong>on</strong>s. 163 Laws and decrees <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten c<strong>on</strong>tained the stipulati<strong>on</strong> that their texts were to be<br />
engraved in st<strong>on</strong>e and publicly displayed “so that everybody who wished could see.” 164<br />
Sol<strong>on</strong> set up the first laws for the general public to read in 594/3 BCE, just over twenty<br />
years before the François Vase. 165 Literacy was also promoted by a system <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> schools<br />
teaching reading and writing, which is evidenced in the fifth century BCE. 166 The system<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> schools was more than likely for the upper class, but the presence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> such instituti<strong>on</strong>s<br />
shows a movement towards literacy, even if it was am<strong>on</strong>g <strong>on</strong>e secti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the society. In<br />
the previous chapters it was noted that the vases are the closest to informal, everyday<br />
161 Immerwahr 1990, 44.<br />
162 Burn et al. 1982, 79.<br />
163 Burn et al. 1982, 79.<br />
164 Burn et al. 1982, 79.<br />
165 Goody et al. 1975, 42.<br />
166 Goody et al. 1975, 42.<br />
44
script in existence in ancient Greece. Unlike various c<strong>on</strong>temporary cultures, the ancient<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g>s did not have a large amount <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> preserved material for comparis<strong>on</strong> between<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ficial, legal, or everyday script. The vases are a c<strong>on</strong>tinuous dateable source <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
individual script, and are pro<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> that the craftsmen were learning to write.<br />
The rise <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> literacy in ancient Greece may be the c<strong>on</strong>tributing factor to the rise in<br />
popularity <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> inscripti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> vases. At a time when the majority <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the populace was<br />
becoming familiar with letterforms and literacy was a desired attribute, it would be <strong>on</strong>ly<br />
natural that the painters would want to show <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f their newfound knowledge. The desire<br />
to want to show <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f this knowledge may have even lead some to want to give the<br />
impressi<strong>on</strong> that they had obtained that knowledge, even if they had not actually d<strong>on</strong>e so.<br />
The painters could have <strong>on</strong>ly fooled the illiterate with n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s, but at this<br />
time the illiterate populati<strong>on</strong> could have been larger than the literate. The society, after<br />
all, was growing in literacy and the majority <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the people probably still had to learn to<br />
read and write. The desire to include an inscripti<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> a vase could have also rendered<br />
the literacy level <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the intended viewers less important. As noted above, inscripti<strong>on</strong>s do<br />
not typically define the scenes painted <strong>on</strong> vases. Scholars <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten comment <strong>on</strong> how the<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s appear where they are not needed and are excluded where they are needed.<br />
The ancient painters were most likely aware that the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s added <strong>on</strong>ly another<br />
dimensi<strong>on</strong>, not definiti<strong>on</strong>. The craftsmen had to be familiar with letterforms <strong>on</strong> a certain<br />
level or else they would have not been able to write. Even a general knowledge <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> letters<br />
was needed for commissi<strong>on</strong>ed works or copying. The letters were important, not<br />
necessarily what the letters spelled or the message they c<strong>on</strong>veyed. N<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s<br />
strive for an appearance <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> literacy. When the same light is shed up<strong>on</strong> sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s,<br />
<strong>on</strong>e can easily perceive a desire to portray literacy because the sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s did not<br />
add definiti<strong>on</strong> to the scene. The inscripti<strong>on</strong>s as a whole may have simply been a natural<br />
progressi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a culture increasing in literacy.<br />
The Panathenaic amphorae c<strong>on</strong>tain a standard inscripti<strong>on</strong> discussed in previous<br />
chapters, which translates into ‘a prize from Athens’. Here is an inscripti<strong>on</strong> that scholars<br />
have used as possible evidence for a basic ability to read in the wider male populati<strong>on</strong>,<br />
45
especially in cases <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> short text. 167 Since it has been shown that inscripti<strong>on</strong>s played a<br />
relatively small role in the scene, it is more likely that the amphorae inscripti<strong>on</strong>s do not<br />
evidence any literacy in the general populace. Athletes received these amphorae as a<br />
prize at the Panathenaic games. It was not necessary for the athlete to read in order to<br />
receive the prize. The amphora was recognized by the general populace as a prize from<br />
the Panathenaic games, but this was simply <strong>on</strong> account <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the total image based <strong>on</strong> size,<br />
shape, color, and decorati<strong>on</strong> by which such vases were immediately recognizable. 168 The<br />
painters <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s were presumably literate, or at the very least familiar with<br />
letterforms, but the recipient <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the vase did not necessarily have to be literate.<br />
The very fact that the painters were writing inscripti<strong>on</strong>s shows that there was a<br />
movement towards literacy in ancient Greece. This is certainly not evidence that the<br />
entire male populati<strong>on</strong> was literate, but it is evidence that the literacy movement was not<br />
restricted to the upper class. The majority <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> inscripti<strong>on</strong>s were painted between 550 and<br />
530 BCE. 169 This was not l<strong>on</strong>g after Sol<strong>on</strong> first displayed his laws for every<strong>on</strong>e to read<br />
circa 594 BCE. The François Vase was produced between 570 and 550 BCE. The<br />
amount <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> time between Sol<strong>on</strong>’s laws and an explosi<strong>on</strong> in the number <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> inscripti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong><br />
vases suggests a movement towards literacy with growing momentum. The sudden boom<br />
in inscripti<strong>on</strong>s, I believe, was due to an enthusiasm in newfound literacy. A desire to<br />
show their acquired knowledge led craftsmen to paint inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. When literacy<br />
became more comm<strong>on</strong>place and was no l<strong>on</strong>ger new, inscripti<strong>on</strong>s were recognized for<br />
what they were, simply an additi<strong>on</strong> to the scene. After 530 BCE, the number <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s steadily declines. There was no more need to display newfound knowledge.<br />
Having outlived their usefulness, the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s began to disappear, with rare revivals<br />
by later painters.<br />
The rise in literacy in ancient Greece is supported by evidence outside <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> vase<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s. The inscripti<strong>on</strong>s, however, emphasize the rise in literacy. This may not<br />
have been as clear had <strong>on</strong>ly sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s survived. Scholars have theorized that<br />
n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s were painted <strong>on</strong> vases to either fill in space where the painter felt<br />
167 Hannah 2001, 184.<br />
168 Hannah 2001, 173.<br />
169 Snodgrass 2000, 31.<br />
46
an inscripti<strong>on</strong> should be or to give the impressi<strong>on</strong> that the painter was literate. These are<br />
valid theories that can lead to a further c<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong> when the sharp rise and steady fall <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s is c<strong>on</strong>sidered. If there was such a desire to fill a space or portray the<br />
knowledge <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> literacy that painters would write a n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>, then there had to<br />
have been a movement in literacy within the culture laying the foundati<strong>on</strong> for the<br />
painter’s desire. The n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s stress that there was such a movement. In<br />
fact, n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s show that the desire to be or appear literate surpassed the<br />
reality <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> literacy. Instead <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> first learning to read and write, and then writing an<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> a vase, the painters chose to imitate literacy through n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s.<br />
The use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s suggests an attitude that the appearance <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> literacy was<br />
more important to some than actually becoming literate. Of course, n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s<br />
could have been a temporary practice while the painter became literate. Hence, n<strong>on</strong>sense<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s provide a very candid insight into the culture, al<strong>on</strong>g with an ability to show<br />
scholars changes and variati<strong>on</strong>s in letterforms.<br />
47
CONCLUSION<br />
The purpose <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> this thesis was to provide current informati<strong>on</strong> and theories <strong>on</strong><br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s found <strong>on</strong> <strong>Attic</strong> vases that students or scholars could build up<strong>on</strong>. Through<br />
comparing the categories <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> inscripti<strong>on</strong>s we can c<strong>on</strong>tinue to alter old theories or ideas <strong>on</strong><br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s to reflect new informati<strong>on</strong>. For instance, it was previously believed that the<br />
placement <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> an inscripti<strong>on</strong> was random or haphazard, but it becomes clear that this was<br />
not the case. The painters were aware <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the c<strong>on</strong>text and use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the vase and placed<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s accordingly. The kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>s are extremely rare <strong>on</strong> lekythoi, and<br />
bubble inscripti<strong>on</strong>s are place near the mouth <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a figure to indicate spoken words. Even<br />
with labels, which were written wherever space allowed, the painter still placed the<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong> within the vicinity <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the figure in order to minimize c<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong>.<br />
An exciting outcome <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> this thesis rests in the realizati<strong>on</strong> that these inscripti<strong>on</strong>s<br />
provide insight into the culture and craftsmen <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> ancient Greece; we gain more than<br />
philological evidence from them. Two facets <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the craftsmen’s lives are presented<br />
through the study <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> inscripti<strong>on</strong>s: their involvement with society as a whole and their<br />
involvement within the community <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> potters and painters. The craftsmen appear to have<br />
been actively involved in their society. They comment <strong>on</strong> the beautiful boys <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> their day,<br />
and were at times awarded as competiti<strong>on</strong> winners, as was the case with the Bachhios and<br />
Kittos families. The n<strong>on</strong>sense inscripti<strong>on</strong>s especially show their desire to be apart <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
community. Athens c<strong>on</strong>sidered itself the center <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> art and learning, and had a<br />
government that started relying more and more <strong>on</strong> a literate body to run their democracy.<br />
The craftsmen’s desire to join this community and movement <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> literacy was so great that<br />
the appearance <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> literacy became more important at times than the acquisiti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
literacy. When seeking recogniti<strong>on</strong> in their society, the evidence suggests that the potters<br />
or painters did not do this through their signatures. Instead, they probably relied <strong>on</strong><br />
verbal recommendati<strong>on</strong>s. The potters and painters did, however, recognize and make<br />
light <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> social norms, as seen in their role-playing through kalÒw inscripti<strong>on</strong>s.<br />
The potters’ and vase-painters’ involvement within their own community <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
craftsmen reveals various social dynamics. Here, we find a type <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> hierarchy exposed by<br />
48
their sense <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> order, which appears when both the potter’s and painter’s signatures are<br />
present. The potter’s signature always precedes the painter’s signature, as discussed in<br />
the previous chapter. This shows their recogniti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the order <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> vase producti<strong>on</strong> and,<br />
therefore, the importance <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>on</strong>e job over the other. In the comments, a competitive<br />
nature is revealed in the painters. They appear to have been familiar with each other’s<br />
work, and strove to become the best painter.<br />
The potters and painters <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> ancient Athens were living in a culture <strong>on</strong> the verge <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
political power and academic superiority, and their inscripti<strong>on</strong>s reflect that culture.<br />
Through the evidence for their lives, revealed by the inscripti<strong>on</strong>s, we see that the potters<br />
and painters were acutely aware <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the world around them. The painters’ attenti<strong>on</strong> to<br />
detail in their figures attest to their awareness <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the physical world around them, but the<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s attest to their awareness <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> their culture’s tendencies and growths. The study<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> inscripti<strong>on</strong>s, therefore, is no l<strong>on</strong>ger simply about its c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong> to the vase or scene,<br />
but also about the men behind the producti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the vase.<br />
The categories <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> inscripti<strong>on</strong>s and their standards have l<strong>on</strong>g been defined and are<br />
rarely disputed. C<strong>on</strong>troversy comes when the meaning or motive behind an inscripti<strong>on</strong> is<br />
unclear. This thesis provides the building blocks for further study; specifically<br />
previously presented ideas and theories gathered into <strong>on</strong>e locati<strong>on</strong>. Scholars and students<br />
can then expand up<strong>on</strong> the existing theories and possibly reveal new informati<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong><br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong>s and the lives <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the craftsmen.<br />
49
APPENDIX A<br />
Figure 1 (ARV 2 447.274)<br />
Red-figure Aryballos by Douris<br />
Athens 15375<br />
500-470 B.C.E.<br />
(Richter et al. 1936, fig. 106)<br />
Figure 2 (ARV 2 431.48)<br />
Red-figure cup by Douris<br />
Berlin 2285<br />
500-480 B.C.E.<br />
(Pfuhl 1926, fig. 65)<br />
50
Figure 3 (ARV 2 16.17)<br />
Red-figure cup by Euphr<strong>on</strong>ios<br />
Munich 2620 (J. 337)<br />
520-500 B.C.E<br />
(Swindler 1929, fig. 246)<br />
Figure 4 (ARV 2 193)<br />
Transcripti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a red-figure amphora by The Kleophrades Painter<br />
Vienna 3723 (ex. Oest. Mus. Inv. 1091)<br />
500-490 B.C.E.<br />
(Richter 1936, fig.13)<br />
51
Figure 5 (ARV 2 314.2)<br />
Red-figure cup by The Eleusis Painter<br />
Berlin inv. 3239 and Villa Giulia<br />
Ca. 580 B.C.E.<br />
(Beazley 1933, pl. Y fig. 10)<br />
Figure 6 (BAdd 2 395)<br />
Detail <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> psykter by Smikros<br />
(Portrait <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Euphr<strong>on</strong>ios wooing Leagros)<br />
Louvre G58<br />
510-500 B.C.E.<br />
(Frel 1983, fig. 10.6)<br />
52
Figure 7 (ARV 2 113.7)<br />
Red-figure cup by The Thalia Painter<br />
Berlin inv. 3251 and Florence IB49<br />
Late 6 th Century B.C.E.<br />
(Boardman 1975, fig. 112)<br />
Figure 8 (ARV 2 315.2)<br />
Red-figure cup by The Eleusis Painter<br />
L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong> E 816<br />
Late 6 th to early 5 th Century B.C.E.<br />
(Vorberg 1968, pl. 16)<br />
53
Figure 9 (ARV 2 1113.10)<br />
Red-figure bellkrater attributed to The Orestes Painter<br />
Louvre A258<br />
Ca. 450 B.C.E.<br />
(Pottier 1897, pl. 9 A258)<br />
Figure 10 (ABV 322.1)<br />
Panathenaic Amphora by The Euphiletos Painter (name-vase)<br />
L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong> B 134<br />
Ca. 530 B.C.E.<br />
(Beazley 1964, pl. 93,2)<br />
54
Figure 11 (side a and b) (ABV 671)<br />
Panathenaic type amphora<br />
500-490 B.C.E.<br />
(Hampe et al. 1985, pll. 16-17)<br />
Figure 12 (ARV 2 58.53)<br />
Red-figure cup by Oltos<br />
Madrid 11267 (L. 151)<br />
530-500 B.C.E.<br />
(Pfuhl 1926, fig. 29)<br />
55
Figure 13 (ABV 145.13)<br />
Black-figure amphora by Exekias<br />
Vatican 344<br />
550-530 B.C.E.<br />
(Immerwahr 1990, pl. 7 fig, 29)<br />
Figure 14 (ARV 2 21.1)<br />
Red-figure cup by Euthymides<br />
Berlin 2278<br />
530-500 B.C.E.<br />
(Perrot 1914, fig. 285)<br />
56
Figure 15 (Para 183.22 bis)<br />
Black-figure oinochoe by The Athena Painter<br />
Stockholm, Medelhausmuseum<br />
500-450 B.C.E.<br />
(Boardman 1974, fig. 286)<br />
Figure 16 (ARV 2 58.51)<br />
Transcripti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a red-figure cup by Oltos<br />
L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong> E 41<br />
530-500 B.C.E.<br />
(Perrot 1914, fig. 228)<br />
57
Figure 17 (ARV 2 1594.48)<br />
Red-figure pelike by The Pi<strong>on</strong>eer Group<br />
Leningrad 615<br />
530-500 B.C.E.<br />
(Neer 2002, fig. 27)<br />
Figure 18 (Boardman 212)<br />
Black-figure amphora by The Leagros Group<br />
530-500 B.C.E.<br />
(Boardman 1974, fig. 212)<br />
58
Figure 19 (ABV 39.16)<br />
Black-figure dinos by Sophilos<br />
Athens 15499<br />
Ca. 580 B.C.E<br />
(Lydakis 2004, fig. 60)<br />
Figure 20 (ARV 2 54.7)<br />
Red-figure psykter by Oltos<br />
New York 10.210.18<br />
530-500 B.C.E.<br />
(Richter et al. 1936, pl. 4 fig. 3)<br />
59
Figure 21 (ABV 89.1)<br />
Detail <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a Panathenaic Amphora from The Burg<strong>on</strong> Group<br />
L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong> B130<br />
Ca. 560 B.C.E.<br />
(Swindler 1929, fig. 233)<br />
Figure 22 (ABV 76.1)<br />
The François Vase<br />
Black-figure volute krater by Kleitias<br />
Florence 4209<br />
570 B.C.E.<br />
(Beazley 1964, pl. 23)<br />
60
Figure 23 (ARV 2 16.15)<br />
Red-figure psykter by Euphr<strong>on</strong>ios<br />
Leningrad 644 (St. 1670)<br />
530-500 B.C.E.<br />
(Buschor 1940, fig. 112)<br />
Figure 24 (ARV 2 23.7)<br />
Red-figure hydria by Phintias<br />
Munich 2421 (J.6)<br />
530-500 B.C.E.<br />
(Boardman 2001, fig. 118.1)<br />
61
Figure 25 (ARV 2 99.7)<br />
Red-figure alabastra from the group <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> The Paidikos Alabastra<br />
L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong> 1902.12-18.2<br />
530-500 B.C.E.<br />
(Walters 1921, fig. I.5)<br />
Figure 26 (ARV 2 28.11)<br />
Red-figure psykter by Euthymides<br />
Turin 4123<br />
530-500 B.C.E.<br />
(Boardman 1975, fig. 36)<br />
62
Figure 27 (ARV 2 26.1)<br />
Red-figure amphora by Euthymides<br />
Munich 2307 (J. 378)<br />
Late 6 th Century B.C.E.<br />
(Roberts<strong>on</strong> 1959, p. 91)<br />
Figure 28 (side a and b) (ARV 2 18.1)<br />
Red-figure amphora in the manner <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Euphr<strong>on</strong>ios<br />
Louvre G 107<br />
490 B.C.E.<br />
(Neer 2002, figs. 57-58)<br />
63
Figure 29<br />
Black-figure cup from a private collecti<strong>on</strong> in Athens<br />
Ca. 540 B.C.E.<br />
(Vanderpool 1945, fig. 3)<br />
64
BIBLIOGRAPHY<br />
Arias, P.E. A History <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1000 Years <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> Vase Painting. New York: Harry N.<br />
Abrams, INC, 1962.<br />
Beazley, J.D. “The New Corpus <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>Attic</strong> Red-figured <strong>Vases</strong> with Signatures,” The<br />
Burlingt<strong>on</strong> Magazine for C<strong>on</strong>noisseurs. Vol. 39, No. 224 (1921): 230-235.<br />
Beazley, J.D. Attische Vasenmaler Des Rotfigurigen Stils. Tübingen: Verlag V<strong>on</strong> J.C.B.<br />
Mohr, 1925.<br />
Beazley, J.D. <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>Vases</strong> in Poland. Oxford: Clarend<strong>on</strong> Press, 1928.<br />
Beazley, J.D. Campana Fragments in Florence. L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong>: Oxford University Press, 1933.<br />
Beazley, J.D. <strong>Attic</strong> Red-Figure Vase-Painters, Vols. I and II. New York: Hacker Art<br />
Books, 1963.<br />
Beazley, J.D. The Development <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>Attic</strong> Black-Figure. Berkley: University <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> California<br />
Press, 1964.<br />
Beazley, J.D. Paralipomena: Additi<strong>on</strong>s to <strong>Attic</strong> Black-Figure Vase-Painters and to<br />
<strong>Attic</strong> Red-Figure Vase-Painters. Oxford: Clarend<strong>on</strong> Press, 1971.<br />
Beazley, J.D. <strong>Attic</strong> Black-Figure Vase-Painters. Oxford: Clarend<strong>on</strong> Press, 1978.<br />
Boardman, J. Athenian Black Figure <strong>Vases</strong>. New York: Oxford University Press, 1974.<br />
Boardman, J. Athenian Red Figure <strong>Vases</strong>: The Archaic Period. New York: Oxford<br />
University Press, 1975.<br />
Boardman, J. The History <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>Vases</strong>: Potters, Painters, and Pictures. L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong>:<br />
Thames & Huds<strong>on</strong>, 2001.<br />
Burn, L. and R. Glynn. Beazley Addenda: Additi<strong>on</strong>al References to ABV, ARV 2 , and<br />
Paralipomena. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982.<br />
Buschor, E. <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> Vase-Painting. New York: E.P. Dutt<strong>on</strong> and Company, 1940.<br />
Carpenter, T.H. Beazley Addenda: Additi<strong>on</strong>al References to ABV, ARV 2 , and<br />
Paralipomena, 2 nd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989.<br />
Clark, A.J., Elst<strong>on</strong>, Maya, and Hart, Mary Louise. Understanding <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>Vases</strong>:<br />
A Guide to Terms, Styles, and Techniques. Los Angeles: Getty Publicati<strong>on</strong>s,<br />
2002.<br />
65
Cook, R.M. <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> Painted Pottery. L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong>: Routledge, 1997.<br />
Denoyelle, M. “Autour du Cratère en Calice Louvre G110, Signé par Euphr<strong>on</strong>ios,” in<br />
Euphr<strong>on</strong>ios Peintre: Actes de la Journée d’Etude Organisée par l’Ecole du<br />
Louvre Et le Département des Antiquités Grecques, Étrusques et Romaines du<br />
Musée du Louvre, 10 Octobre 1990. Ed. Martine Denoyelle, Paris: La<br />
Française,1992.<br />
Folsom, R.S. <strong>Attic</strong> Black-Figured Pottery. New Jersey: Noyes Press, 1975.<br />
Folsom, R.S. <strong>Attic</strong> Red-Figured Pottery. New Jersey: Noyes Press, 1976.<br />
Frel, J. “Euphr<strong>on</strong>ios and His Fellows,” <str<strong>on</strong>g>Ancient</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> Art and Ic<strong>on</strong>ography. Ed. W.G.<br />
Mo<strong>on</strong>, Madis<strong>on</strong>: University <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Wisc<strong>on</strong>sin Press, 1983.<br />
Furtwängler, A. and K. Reichhold. Griechische Vasenmalerei, Serie I and II. Munich:<br />
F. Bruckmann, 1904-1909.<br />
Gardiner, E.N. Athletics <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the <str<strong>on</strong>g>Ancient</str<strong>on</strong>g> World. Oxford: Clarend<strong>on</strong> Press, 1930.<br />
Goody, J. and I. Watt. “The C<strong>on</strong>sequences <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Literacy,” Literacy in Traditi<strong>on</strong>al Societies.<br />
Ed. J. Goody, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975.<br />
Hannah, P.A. “TON AYENEYEN AYLON: A Case <str<strong>on</strong>g>Study</str<strong>on</strong>g> in the History <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Labels,”<br />
Speaking Volumes: Orality and Literacy in the <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> and Roman World.<br />
Ed. Janet Wats<strong>on</strong>, Leiden: Brill, 2001.<br />
Hampe, R. and E. Sim<strong>on</strong>. Griechisches Leben im Spiegel der Kunst Mayence.<br />
Mainz am Rhein: P. v<strong>on</strong> Zabern, 1985.<br />
Herford, M.A.B. A Handbook <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> Vase Painting. L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong>: L<strong>on</strong>gmans, Green &<br />
Co., 1919.<br />
Homer. The Odyssey. Trans. A.T. Murray and G.E. Dimock. Cambridge: Harvard<br />
University Press, 1995.<br />
Hoppin, J.C. Euthymides and His Fellows. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1917.<br />
Hoppin, J.C. A Handbook <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>Attic</strong> Red-figured <strong>Vases</strong>. Cambridge: Harvard University<br />
Press, 1919.<br />
Immerwahr, H.R. <strong>Attic</strong> Script: A Survey. Oxford: Clarend<strong>on</strong> Press, 1990.<br />
Klein, W. Die Griechischen Vasen mit Meistersignaturen. Vienna: Carl Gerold’s Sohn,<br />
1887.<br />
66
Kurtz, D.C. <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>Vases</strong>: Lectures by J.D. Beazley. Oxford: Clarend<strong>on</strong> Press, 1989.<br />
Langlotz, E. Griechische Vasenbilder. Heidelberg: Verlegt Bei Edmund Van König,<br />
1922.<br />
Lydakis, S. <str<strong>on</strong>g>Ancient</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> Painting and its Echoes in Later Art. Los Angeles: Getty<br />
Publicati<strong>on</strong>s, 2004.<br />
Mannack, T. The Late Mannerists in Athenian Vase-Painting. Oxford: Oxford<br />
University Press, 2001.<br />
Neer, R.T. Style and Politics in Athenian Vase-Painting: The Craft <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Democracy,<br />
Ca. 530-460 BCE. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002.<br />
Noble, J.V. The Techniques <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Painted <strong>Attic</strong> Pottery. L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong>: Faber & Faber, 1966.<br />
Ohly-Dumm, M. “Euphr<strong>on</strong>iosschale und Smikrosscherbe,” Münchener Jahrbuch der<br />
Bildenden Kunst. 25 (1974): 7-26.<br />
Perrot, Georges and C. Chipiez. Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité, Vol. 10. Paris:<br />
Librairie Hachette et C ie , 1914.<br />
Pfuhl, E. Masterpieces <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> Drawing and Painting. L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong>: Chatto and Windus,<br />
1926.<br />
Plato. Charmides. Trans. W.R.M. Lamb. L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong>: William Heinemann Ltd., 1914.<br />
Pottier, E. <strong>Vases</strong> Antiques du Louvre. Paris: Librairie Hachette & Co., 1897.<br />
Richter, G.M.A. The Craft <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Athenian Pottery. New York: The Metropolitan Museum<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Art Press, 1924.<br />
Richter, G.M.A. and M.J. Milne. Shapes and Names <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Athenian <strong>Vases</strong>. New York:<br />
The Metropolitan Museum <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Art Press, 1935.<br />
Richter, G.M.A. “The Kleophrades Painter,” American Journal <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Archaeology. Vol.<br />
40, No. 1 (Jan., 1936): 100-115.<br />
Richter, G.M.A. and L.F. Hall. Red-Figured Athenian <strong>Vases</strong> in The Metropolitan<br />
Museum <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Art, Vols. I and II. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1936.<br />
Richter, G.M.A. <strong>Attic</strong> Red-Figured <strong>Vases</strong>: A Survey. New Haven: Yale University Press,<br />
1946.<br />
Richter, G.M.A. Archaic <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> Art Against Its Historical Background. New York:<br />
Oxford University Press, 1949.<br />
67
Richter, G.M.A. A Handbook <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> Art. L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong>: The Phaid<strong>on</strong> Press, 1959.<br />
Robert, C. Archaeologische Hermeneutik. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung,<br />
1919.<br />
Roberts<strong>on</strong>, M. <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> Painting. Geneva: Editi<strong>on</strong>s d’Art Albert Skira, 1959.<br />
Roller, L.E. “Funeral Games in <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> Art,” American Journal <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Archaeology.<br />
Vol. 85, No. 2 (Apr., 1981): 107-119.<br />
Shapiro, H.A. “Hippokrates s<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Anaxileos,” Hesperia. Vol. 49, No. 3 (1980):<br />
289-93.<br />
Shapiro, H.A. “Kallias Kratiou Alopekethen,” Hesperia. Vol. 51, No.1 (1982): 69-73.<br />
Shapiro, H.A. “Leagros the Satyr,” <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>Vases</strong>: Images, C<strong>on</strong>texts, and<br />
C<strong>on</strong>troversies. Ed. C. Marc<strong>on</strong>i. Bost<strong>on</strong>: Brill, 2004.<br />
Sim<strong>on</strong>, E. “Euphr<strong>on</strong>ios und die Etrusker,” in Euphr<strong>on</strong>ios und Seine Zeit. Ed. I.<br />
Wehgartner. Berlin: Preußischer Kulturbesitz, 1992: 90-103.<br />
Snodgrass, A. “The Uses <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Writing <strong>on</strong> Early <str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> Painted Pottery,” in Word and Image<br />
in <str<strong>on</strong>g>Ancient</str<strong>on</strong>g> Greece. Eds. N.K. Rutter and B.A. Sparkes. Edinburgh: Edinburgh<br />
University Press, 2000: 22-34.<br />
Swindler, M.H. <str<strong>on</strong>g>Ancient</str<strong>on</strong>g> Painting: From the Earliest Times to the Period <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Christian Art.<br />
New Haven: Yale University Press, 1929.<br />
Tieleman, T. “Galen <strong>on</strong> the Seat <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Intellect,” Science and Mathematics in <str<strong>on</strong>g>Ancient</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>Greek</str<strong>on</strong>g> Culture. Ed. C.J. Tuplin and T.E. Rihll. Oxford: Oxford University Press,<br />
2002.<br />
Vanderpool, E. “An Unusual Black-Figured Cup,” American Journal <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Archaeology.<br />
Vol. 49, No. 4 (Oct., 1945): 436-440.<br />
Vorberg, G. Ars Erotica Veterum:Das Geschlechtsleben. Hanau: Müller and<br />
Kiepenheuer, 1968.<br />
Walters, H.B. “Red-Figured <strong>Vases</strong> Recently Acquired by the British Museum,” The<br />
Journal <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Hellenic Studies. Vol. 41, Part 1 (1921): 117-150.<br />
Webster, T.B.L. Potter and Patr<strong>on</strong> in Classical Athens. L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong>: Methuen &Co. Ltd,<br />
1972.<br />
68
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH<br />
The author, Kathleen E. Clifford, attended The <strong>Florida</strong> <strong>State</strong> University and<br />
earned her Bachelor <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Arts and Master <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Arts in Classical Archaeology. She has<br />
interned at The British Museum in the Educati<strong>on</strong> Department and participated in<br />
excavati<strong>on</strong>s in Umbria, Italy.<br />
69