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Land tenure inequality, harvests, and rural conflict ... - e-Archivo

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I approach the problem of <strong>rural</strong> <strong>conflict</strong> in Spain from a regional perspective<br />

because official, aggregate data on <strong>conflict</strong> are incomplete <strong>and</strong> biased for the period.<br />

The paucity of evidence has led several historians to try to reconstruct detailed local<br />

or micro-regional histories of protest (among other examples, Mintz, 1994; del Rey,<br />

2008). However, this strategy, while providing a privileged microscopic view of the<br />

deployment of local collective action, is prone to large selection biases. In general,<br />

towns are selected because <strong>conflict</strong> was more intense there than in other towns or<br />

because the town was special for other reasons. In order to avoid selection biases, this<br />

paper takes the middle way of a detailed macro-regional perspective, allowing me to<br />

go beyond the special cases while keeping the necessary details about <strong>conflict</strong>s <strong>and</strong><br />

their context.<br />

INSERT MAP 1<br />

Using a new panel data set of local <strong>rural</strong> <strong>conflict</strong> in three provinces of the<br />

South of Spain, I exploit the local distribution of <strong>conflict</strong> <strong>and</strong> its timing to identify the<br />

factors driving <strong>rural</strong> <strong>conflict</strong> during the Second Republic. My explanation stresses the<br />

“political opportunities” window (McAdam, Tarrow, <strong>and</strong> Tilly, 2001; Goodwin,<br />

2001; Goodwin <strong>and</strong> Jasper, 2011; Tilly, 1964, 1986) in which the focus is in the<br />

interplay between actors, the state <strong>and</strong> local <strong>and</strong> national political institutions. The<br />

main conclusion of the paper is that the pattern of <strong>conflict</strong> analyzed here is consistent<br />

with “polity process” explanations <strong>and</strong> not with “grievance-based” explanations. In<br />

1930s Spain, like in other studies of peasant rebellion, peasant <strong>conflict</strong> was obviously<br />

affected by <strong>inequality</strong> <strong>and</strong> poverty, but did not closely correlate with these variables<br />

(Rudé <strong>and</strong> Hobsbawm, 1973; Markoff, 1996). Conflict was linked instead to the<br />

4

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