Land tenure inequality, harvests, and rural conflict ... - e-Archivo

“stormed” the cortijos (Cobo Romero, 2003: 252). In Mancha Real, marauding
groups of strikers forced the “permanent” workers to go on strike (Cobo Romero,
2003: 253). In the general strike of June 1934, conflicts between strikers and
permanent cortijo workers were common (El Sol, 6 June 1934).
In other cases, invasions responded to practices that contributed to the
smoothing of income throughout the year, for example the compulsory hiring of
unemployed workers mandated by mayors (“laboreo forzoso”) or the gleaning of
olives at the end of the olive harvest (the so called “rebusca”). During the 2 nd
Republic, the collective contract for the olive-picking season established the starting
date of gleaning when a quarter of the olives had already been harvested. In fact,
however, it was impossible to determine exactly when a quarter of the olives had been
picked up (Aparicio Albiñana, 1936: 41). Workers, employers, mayors and prefects
had different incentives to determine when gleaning could start. Workers could use a
mayor authorization to start gleaning without the permission of owners (Pérez Yruela,
1979: 149). Prefects, especially in Jaén, struggled to control the workers and appease
the landowners (Aparicio Albiñana, 1936: 25; Martín Villodres, 1932: 32-3).
Interpretations also changed over time: in Jaén, in November 1931, restrictions on
“rebusca” were lifted in the case of children and those older than 60 (El Sol, 25
November 1931). Yet in January 1932, rebusca was banned (El Sol, 17 January
1932). The practice of rebusca is behind several documented episodes of collective
trespassing in Jaén.
Actions revolving around the issue of the so-called compulsory cultivation
were also surrounded by ambiguities. In order to deal with the problem of seasonal
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