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Was sollen wir tun? Was dürfen wir glauben? - bei DuEPublico ...

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530 SEIDEL<br />

obstacles in the way of self-understanding or truthful relations among people.<br />

(Scheffler 2010a: 227)<br />

Equality as a social and political value expresses an ideal of how human relationships<br />

should be conducted. (Scheffler 2010a: 232)<br />

So the main idea seems to be that ESV is concerned with relationships between humans and<br />

that these relationships are governed by some generic conception of encountering others “as<br />

equals”. With regard to this idea, the critics claim that (1) it is distinct from the idea of DE, (2)<br />

that it is the basis of any successful vindication of DE, and (3) that luck-egalitarians cannot<br />

use it as a basis to support their position.<br />

I think there are two serious problems with this route of critique; but before I address them in<br />

the following section, let me explain the normative implication of the critique: If successful,<br />

the socio-relational critique would be able to support a restriction of the scope of claims of<br />

distributive justice to contexts with certain social relationships – namely to those contexts in<br />

which it is at least possible to “encounter each other as equals”. It is not entirely clear, for<br />

instance, whether (and how) the idea of “encountering each other as equals” applies to<br />

injustices that arise from global economic institutions. Is it possible to describe the normative<br />

problem of global inequalities in terms of categories like “truthful living”, “respect and<br />

disrespect”, “self-understanding” which are supposed to explicate the content of ESV and<br />

which are most clearly rooted in the context of direct interpersonal relations (e.g. between<br />

spouses, relatives, friends, neighbours, colleagues etc.)? If not then it seems that proponents<br />

of the socio-relational critique will not (be able to) provide a rationale for global<br />

redistribution in the face of global inequality; rather they could point out that from the point<br />

of distributive justice, there are no claims for redistribution as long as the relevant human<br />

relationships do not exist. 10 The situation is very different for distributive egalitarians: They<br />

may easily hold that global inequality (in the relevant currency) provides, in itself. a reason<br />

for global redistribution – after all, they believe in the intrinsic value of equality and the<br />

intrinsic disvalue of inequality, and this commitment is not necessarily qualified in scope.<br />

So the success of the socio-relational critique may have implications for the scope of claims of<br />

distributive justice. This is why we should be sure about whether or not the socio-relational<br />

critique succeeds. In the following section, I will argue that it does not.<br />

3. Assessing the Socio-Relational Critique<br />

The socio-relational critique does not succeed for two reasons. The first is that I can see no<br />

way of making sense of equality as a social value without resorting to the idea of distributive<br />

equality. In other words: Claim (C1) is false because DE and ESV are not completely distinct<br />

ideas. The second problem is that – even if ESV was a distinct idea – the project of anchoring<br />

distributive egalitarianism in ESV is bound to fail. In other words: Claim (C2) is false, too.<br />

3.1 DE is Conceptually and Explanatory Prior to ESV<br />

Let me elaborate on the first problem. While reading the collection of quotations you may<br />

have already been wondering whether the given characterisations of ESV are neutral with<br />

respect to the idea of distributive equality. For instance, the claims that “all members of a<br />

society have equal standing” (second quotation), that “each […] enjoys the same social<br />

standing” (third quotation) or that “human relationships […] are, in certain crucial respects at<br />

least, unstructured by difference of rank, power or status” (fourth quotation) seem to be a<br />

10<br />

Of course, they will be able to account for some duties related to global inequalities, e.g. a duty to<br />

assist the starving poor; but these duties would not be duties of distributive justice, but rather duties<br />

grounded in some other value (like the value of human life).

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