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Was sollen wir tun? Was dürfen wir glauben? - bei DuEPublico ...

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INTUITIONS, HEURISTICS, METAPHORS 335<br />

third, to resolve seminal versions of a familiar mind-body problem. We will now gradually<br />

build up to the mistake at issue, by pointing out a specific risk in analogical reasoning, how<br />

we commonly mitigate this risk, and how INP-generated mappings prevent our default<br />

mitigation strategy.<br />

In analogical reasoning, the first mappings to be made connect source- and target-domain<br />

elements to which the same terms apply (section 2). In the case of first-order analogies (e.g.<br />

the supposed analogy between atoms and the solar system), relevant relational terms (like ‘x<br />

orbits y’) stand for the same relations in both domains, so that these relations get mapped<br />

onto themselves. This is different where linguistically realised conceptual metaphors are built<br />

on second-order analogies between concrete source- and more abstract target-domains: Here,<br />

the same terms typically stand for radically different first-order relations in the two domains.<br />

E.g. ‘x looks at y’ stands for looking-at in one domain and thinking-about in the other. Relata<br />

of one relation (say, John who looks at Joan) will typically stand in a host of further relations<br />

(like: x stands in front of y) which are not, or cannot be, shared by the relata of the other<br />

relation (John may think of absentees, and of problems and risks without physical location).<br />

Hence CSG inferences that involve generation as well as substitutions licensed by a<br />

conceptual metaphor are very risky, where we move from a concrete to a more abstract<br />

domain.<br />

But this need not lead to false conclusions: In ordinary discourse, we mitigate the present risk<br />

by placing a metaphorical interpretation on generated terms, wherever possible, as a default:<br />

We interpret them in the light of their metaphorical implications (cp. section 2):<br />

p has the metaphorical implication q* iff p→q* can be obtained through CSG from<br />

a truth p→q about the source-domain of a conceptual metaphor whose constitutive<br />

mappings license substitution of or in q yielding q*, but license no substitution of or in<br />

p. (‘→’ designates de- or inductive inference.)<br />

For instance, things before your eyes are, by and large, easy for you to see, and simple CSG<br />

with the conceptual metaphors considered takes us from this premise to ‘If things are before<br />

your eyes, it is easy for you to get to know them’. Similarly, when something is outside my<br />

range of vision, I cannot see them, so simple CSG yields: ‘If something is beyond my ken, it is<br />

impossible for me to know it’. This has us say, in ordinary speech, that things we cannot get to<br />

know or understand are ‘beyond our ken’.<br />

When followed by such metaphorical interpretation, CSG inferences without M or N take us<br />

from the premises of C1, C2, and C4 to the conclusions: ‘When we think about things, we can<br />

easily get to know things’, ‘...it is possible for us to get to know things’, and ‘... we (get to)<br />

know things’, respectively. Instead of C3, we get ‘When it is easy for us to get to know things,<br />

it is possible for us to get to know them.’ These conclusions do not even appear to refer to<br />

spaces or organs of perception, of any kind or description.<br />

Use of INP-generated mappings like M and N, in CSG inference, prevents such metaphorical<br />

interpretation. CSG with mapping N transforms ‘…before my eyes’ into ‘… before my<br />

understanding’. This has no implications in the source domain of sight – and hence no<br />

metaphorical implications. CSG inferences without the new mappings M and N have us apply<br />

to the intellectual target-domain predicates like ‘x is before my eyes’ or ‘x is in our visual<br />

field’, which include spatial terms but which, in their entirety, have source-domain<br />

implications that facilitate metaphorical interpretation. By contrast, CSG inferences with M<br />

and N replace ‘your eyes’ and ‘my visual field’, respectively, and carry over from the source<br />

domain only those spatial relations (x is before y, x is in y, etc.). They thus lead to conclusions<br />

that place elements of the intellectual target-domain into spatial relations, and are not<br />

amenable to metaphorical interpretation – but only to an insufficient ersatz treatment.<br />

Early modern thinkers frequently explain that minds are meant to ‘take up no space, have no<br />

extension’, as Locke puts the common position (Locke 1700, II.ix.10). Thus, Berkeley

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