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The Ineliminability of Non-Nominal<br />

Quantification<br />

David Dolby<br />

Objectual interpretations of non-nominal quantification seems to offer a non-substitutional<br />

treatment of quantification which respects differences of grammatical category in the object<br />

language whilst only employing nominal quantification in the metalanguage. I argue that the<br />

satisfaction conditions of such interpretations makes use concepts that must themselves be<br />

explained through non-nominal quantification. As a result, the interpretation misrepresents<br />

the structure of non-nominal quantification and the relationship between nominal and nonnominal<br />

forms of generality.<br />

1. Introduction<br />

Natural language appears to contain expressions of generality in various syntactic categories:<br />

English has not only the (typically) nominal ‘something’, but also adverbial forms such as<br />

‘somehow’ and ‘somewhere’. Nevertheless, many philosophers, following Quine, have claimed<br />

that all genuine quantification is nominal: quantifiers and variables range over a domain of<br />

objects which are named by their substituends. Since supposed non-nominal quantifications<br />

quantify into positions which do not name, there is no domain of objects for the quantifier to<br />

range over: they are at best substitutional quantifications—conveniently abbreviated nominal<br />

quantifications over linguistic items—and not generalisations about the extra-linguistic world<br />

(Quine 1970: 91–4; Inwagen 2004: 124). The most significant opponent to this position was<br />

Arthur Prior, who argued that predicate and sentence generalisations are genuinely<br />

quantificational although they involve no domain of objects: indeed, he suggested that any<br />

attempt to reduce non-nominal quantification to objectual quantification must fail, since in<br />

any interpretation of a quantifier we cannot avoid employing the very form of quantification<br />

we seek to explain (1971: 31–47). Positions similar to his have been developed by Christopher<br />

Williams (1981), Philip Hugly and Charles Sayward (1996), and Timothy Williamson (1999).<br />

Recently, philosophers have become more willing to accept the legitimacy of non-nominal<br />

quantification. However, it is often proposed pace Prior that the quantifiers should be given<br />

an interpretation in terms of a domain of objects, such as properties or propositions—those<br />

associated with the substituends by some semantic relation other than naming (Strawson<br />

1997a; Soames 1999, Künne 2003, 2008a; Glock 2003; Rosefeldt 2008). I shall claim that<br />

such an account will inevitably appeal to non-nominal generalisation, either explicitly or<br />

implicitly, in its statement of truth-conditions, and thereby obscures the relationships that<br />

hold between non-nominal quantified sentences and their parts and between nominal and<br />

non-nominal forms of generality.<br />

2. Quantification and Reference<br />

Questions about quantification are closely related to questions about reference and syntax.<br />

Indeed, Quine argued that nominal positions in a sentence are precisely those which are open<br />

to quantification. He thought that to quantify into predicate or sentence position would be to

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