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326 FISCHER<br />

Effortless processes also tend to be executed more rapidly than effortful processes.<br />

Effortlessness is widely used for an operational definition of ‘automatic’ processes, more<br />

generally (Evans 2008). In social psychology, cognitive processes that are rapid, effortless,<br />

unconscious, and non-intentional are called ‘spontaneous’ (Uleman et al. 2008).<br />

Many fully automatic processes get routinely or continually carried out in sense-perception or<br />

language-comprehension, even in the absence of specific tasks set. These are known as<br />

natural processes (Tversky and Kahneman 1983). For example: In a modest sense of the<br />

term, ‘recognition’ is automatically assessed by a natural process – when hearing a name or<br />

seeing a person we cannot help having a gut feeling about whether we have encountered this<br />

name or person before (regardless of whether we recall where and when). Judgment<br />

heuristics are simple strategies for obtaining answers to a variety of questions (Which of two<br />

cities is bigger? Which of two players is more successful? etc.) from such ‘natural’ or ‘basic<br />

assessments’ that are generated by natural processes (Tversky and Kahneman 1983,<br />

Kahneman 2011).<br />

Judgment heuristics work where the outcomes of natural processes are correlated with true<br />

answers to a question. By and large, bigger cities and more successful athletes receive more<br />

media attention, so we are more likely to have encountered their names before. Hence, in<br />

game shows and elsewhere, it makes good sense to employ this recognition heuristic (here in<br />

a simple version for paired choices): If you recognise one of two objects (cities, athletes, etc.)<br />

but not the other, judge that the recognised object has the higher value (is bigger, more<br />

successful, etc.) (Goldstein and Gigerenzer 2002).<br />

To support the hypothesis that thinkers actually use a particular such strategy in largely<br />

automatic – and unconscious – cognition, psychologists derive from it surprising fallacies or<br />

effects, and reproduce these in behavioural experiments. The recognition heuristic, e.g.,<br />

predicts that under certain conditions subjects who possess less relevant information than<br />

others will make more correct judgments, and such less-is-more effects were reproduced in<br />

striking experiments (op. cit.).<br />

Chronometric and multi-tasking studies suggest the application of judgment heuristics is<br />

effortless and rapid (De Neys 2006, Pachur and Hertwig 2006, Volz et al. 2006): Apparently<br />

participants first apply the pertinent heuristic in an effortless and rapid process, and some of<br />

them then correct the outcome, where necessary, in a further, effortful step which takes a few<br />

seconds and falls by the wayside under the pressures of multi-tasking (Kahneman and<br />

Frederick 2005, Kahneman 2011).<br />

Intuitive judgments are frequently in need of justification, e.g., when they are inconsistent<br />

with common-sense-convictions, scientific findings, or other intuitions (of the same or other<br />

subjects). As I have shown in detail elsewhere, philosophers often accept such paradoxical or<br />

otherwise justification-needy intuitions without argument, or at any rate without any noncircular<br />

argument (Fischer 2011). Where this happens, they are justified in accepting an<br />

intuition precisely to the extent to which this intuition has probative force, i.e., precisely to<br />

the extent to which the mere fact that a given thinker has this intuition speaks for its truth.<br />

Heuristic-based explanations of intuitive judgments help us determine whether a thinker’s<br />

intuitions have such force. Negatively, such an explanation can reveal that the intuition<br />

explained is constitutive of a cognitive illusion – which has no probative force. Positively, it<br />

can reveal that the intuition explained is due to the exercise of an ‘epistemic virtue’. One<br />

prominent proposal conceives of such virtues as cognitive competencies ‘to discriminate the<br />

true from the false reliably (enough) in some subfield of ... propositional contents’ (Sosa<br />

2007: 58). The following proposal allows for epistemic virtues that equip us for many but not<br />

all relevant judgments, and are manifest in responses beyond mere true-false judgments: To<br />

possess an epistemic virtue, I suggest, is to be competent to offer true or accurate judgments

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