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Enforce bans on tobacco advertising, promotion and sponsorship

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very few countries restrict point-of-sale<br />

cigarette package displays, which have<br />

the same effect as media <strong>advertising</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />

similarly influence smoking behaviour (62).<br />

Point-of-sale promoti<strong>on</strong>, including<br />

price discounts <strong>and</strong> product giveaways,<br />

may account for the majority of TAPS<br />

expenditures in some countries (7). A ban <strong>on</strong><br />

these activities limits the ability of marketing<br />

to cue <strong>tobacco</strong> users to make a purchase,<br />

which appears to lead to reducti<strong>on</strong>s in<br />

youth smoking as well as reduce impulse<br />

purchases am<strong>on</strong>g adults wanting to quit<br />

(63).<br />

In Irel<strong>and</strong>, which eliminated point-of-sale<br />

<strong>tobacco</strong> displays in 2009, the lack of visual<br />

smoking cues in shops caused youth to<br />

be less likely to believe their peers were<br />

smokers, thus helping to denormalize<br />

<strong>tobacco</strong> use <strong>and</strong> reduce the likelihood of<br />

smoking initiati<strong>on</strong> (64). In Norway, which<br />

enacted a ban in 2010, removal of pointof-sale<br />

<strong>tobacco</strong> displays was perceived as<br />

a barrier for youth purchases of <strong>tobacco</strong><br />

<strong>and</strong> diminished the value of br<strong>and</strong>ing in<br />

purchasing choices (65). In the UK, cigarette<br />

sales declined by 3% in retail stores that<br />

had covered up or removed product displays<br />

in advance of an announced ban (66).<br />

This interventi<strong>on</strong> can be further<br />

strengthened by keeping <strong>tobacco</strong> products<br />

behind the counter <strong>and</strong> out of public view,<br />

so that customers must ask specifically<br />

if the store sells them. The small extra<br />

effort required to ask a retailer for <strong>tobacco</strong><br />

products may deter some purchases <strong>and</strong><br />

assist with cessati<strong>on</strong> efforts. Youths are less<br />

likely to attempt a purchase in stores where<br />

<strong>tobacco</strong> products are hidden from view (67).<br />

“Corporate social<br />

resp<strong>on</strong>sibility” initiatives<br />

should be prohibited<br />

Tobacco companies frequently engage in<br />

so-called “corporate social resp<strong>on</strong>sibility”<br />

activities, such as sp<strong>on</strong>sorship of research,<br />

charities, educati<strong>on</strong>al programmes,<br />

community projects <strong>and</strong> other “socially<br />

resp<strong>on</strong>sible” activities, to improve their<br />

image as socially acceptable ec<strong>on</strong>omic<br />

c<strong>on</strong>tributors <strong>and</strong> good corporate citizens<br />

(10). Many such activities focus <strong>on</strong> health<br />

philanthropy, but there is a clear c<strong>on</strong>flict of<br />

interest between the health harms caused<br />

by <strong>tobacco</strong> use <strong>and</strong> <strong>tobacco</strong> industry<br />

spending <strong>on</strong> initiatives that address health<br />

issues (68). Other examples of this strategy<br />

include <strong>tobacco</strong> companies providing<br />

ec<strong>on</strong>omic support to countries <strong>and</strong><br />

communities suffering from natural disasters<br />

or other crises, which helps improve public<br />

percepti<strong>on</strong>s of the industry, creates goodwill<br />

am<strong>on</strong>g influential groups such as journalists<br />

<strong>and</strong> policy-makers, <strong>and</strong> serves as br<strong>and</strong><br />

promoti<strong>on</strong> (69).<br />

However, these activities are actually<br />

intended as corporate political activity to<br />

broker access to public officials, influence<br />

policy development, <strong>and</strong> counteract<br />

opposing political coaliti<strong>on</strong>s (70), with the<br />

ultimate goal of persuading governments<br />

not to implement policies that may restrict<br />

<strong>tobacco</strong> use <strong>and</strong> reduce sales (71). In the<br />

case of disaster relief, the intent is to<br />

persuade “beneficiaries” to side with their<br />

<strong>tobacco</strong> industry benefactors to oppose<br />

<strong>tobacco</strong> c<strong>on</strong>trol measures. Ultimately,<br />

“corporate social resp<strong>on</strong>sibility” activities<br />

do little to address the health <strong>and</strong> ec<strong>on</strong>omic<br />

impacts of <strong>tobacco</strong> use (73). Bans <strong>on</strong><br />

this form of promoti<strong>on</strong>al activity would<br />

be another important comp<strong>on</strong>ent of a<br />

comprehensive <strong>tobacco</strong> c<strong>on</strong>trol programme.<br />

The <strong>tobacco</strong> industry will<br />

str<strong>on</strong>gly oppose <str<strong>on</strong>g>bans</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>on</strong> its<br />

<strong>advertising</strong>, promoti<strong>on</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />

sp<strong>on</strong>sorship activities<br />

The <strong>tobacco</strong> industry str<strong>on</strong>gly opposes <str<strong>on</strong>g>bans</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

<strong>on</strong> TAPS because they are highly effective in<br />

reducing <strong>tobacco</strong> use <strong>and</strong> initiati<strong>on</strong>, <strong>and</strong> the<br />

industry will lobby heavily against even the<br />

most minimal restricti<strong>on</strong>s. The industry often<br />

argues that legislative <str<strong>on</strong>g>bans</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>on</strong> TAPS are<br />

not necessary <strong>and</strong> that voluntary codes <strong>and</strong><br />

self-regulati<strong>on</strong> are sufficient. The industry<br />

will claim that <str<strong>on</strong>g>bans</str<strong>on</strong>g> restrict free enterprise,<br />

prevent c<strong>on</strong>sumers from making their own<br />

choices <strong>and</strong> impede free speech, including<br />

the right to promote a legal product.<br />

The <strong>tobacco</strong> industry also claims that<br />

TAPS activities are not intended to exp<strong>and</strong><br />

sales or attract new users, but are simply<br />

a means of influencing br<strong>and</strong> choice <strong>and</strong><br />

fostering market competiti<strong>on</strong> am<strong>on</strong>g br<strong>and</strong>s<br />

for current <strong>tobacco</strong> users (31). However,<br />

the primary purpose of TAPS is to increase<br />

<strong>tobacco</strong> sales (10), which c<strong>on</strong>tributes<br />

towards killing more people by encouraging<br />

current smokers to smoke more <strong>and</strong><br />

decreasing their motivati<strong>on</strong> to quit. TAPS<br />

activities also lead potential users – <strong>and</strong><br />

young people specifically – to try <strong>tobacco</strong><br />

<strong>and</strong> become l<strong>on</strong>g-term customers (46). TAPS<br />

that targets youth <strong>and</strong> specific demographic<br />

subgroups is particularly effective (10,74,75).<br />

Tobacco importers <strong>and</strong> retailers are typically<br />

business entities that in most countries are<br />

separate from manufacturers, but because<br />

they are still part of the <strong>tobacco</strong> industry,<br />

they have a direct interest in avoiding<br />

any restricti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> TAPS activities. Media,<br />

entertainment <strong>and</strong> sporting businesses,<br />

which benefit from <strong>tobacco</strong> industry<br />

marketing expenditures, will act as proxies<br />

for the <strong>tobacco</strong> industry to fight <str<strong>on</strong>g>bans</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>on</strong><br />

TAPS <strong>and</strong> other <strong>tobacco</strong> c<strong>on</strong>trol policies<br />

because they fear losing customers or<br />

<strong>advertising</strong>, promoti<strong>on</strong> <strong>and</strong> sp<strong>on</strong>sorship<br />

revenues.<br />

Industry arguments can be<br />

effectively countered<br />

Several points can be raised to effectively<br />

counter <strong>tobacco</strong> industry arguments against<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>bans</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>on</strong> TAPS activities.<br />

■■<br />

■■<br />

■■<br />

■■<br />

■■<br />

■■<br />

■■<br />

Tobacco use kills people <strong>and</strong> damages<br />

their health.<br />

Governments have the authority <strong>and</strong><br />

obligati<strong>on</strong> to protect the health <strong>and</strong><br />

rights of their people.<br />

TAPS leads to increased <strong>tobacco</strong><br />

c<strong>on</strong>sumpti<strong>on</strong> <strong>and</strong> smoking initiati<strong>on</strong>,<br />

<strong>and</strong> is not intended merely to influence<br />

br<strong>and</strong> choice am<strong>on</strong>g current smokers.<br />

Tobacco use causes ec<strong>on</strong>omic harm to<br />

individuals <strong>and</strong> families, as well as to<br />

communities <strong>and</strong> countries.<br />

Many governments ban or restrict<br />

<strong>advertising</strong> <strong>and</strong> promoti<strong>on</strong> of other<br />

legal products (e.g. alcohol, firearms,<br />

medicati<strong>on</strong>s) as part of c<strong>on</strong>sumer<br />

protecti<strong>on</strong> laws.<br />

Tobacco <strong>advertising</strong> is deceptive <strong>and</strong><br />

misleading (76).<br />

The <strong>tobacco</strong> industry has a<br />

dem<strong>on</strong>strated pattern of targeting youth<br />

(10).<br />

The right of people to live a healthy life<br />

free of addicti<strong>on</strong> is more important than<br />

the financial interests of the <strong>tobacco</strong><br />

industry.<br />

youth exposed to smoking in films are more likely to try<br />

smoking (Data from six European countries)<br />

■■<br />

Ever smoking (%)<br />

40<br />

35<br />

30<br />

29<br />

36<br />

25<br />

21<br />

20<br />

15<br />

14<br />

10<br />

5<br />

0<br />

Source: (72).<br />

Exposure Quartile 1 Exposure Quartile 2 Exposure Quartile 3 Exposure Quartile 4<br />

Movie smoking exposure<br />

32 WHO REPORT ON THE GLOBAL TOBACCO EPIDEMIC, 2013 WHO REPORT ON THE GLOBAL TOBACCO EPIDEMIC, 2013 33

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