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Economic Regulation - IATA

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AUSTRALASIA<br />

Australia<br />

revenues received, leading to the situation where several<br />

US airports (e.g. New York JFK and Newark) are among<br />

the most expensive in the world (see Appendix A), even<br />

though they provide fewer facilities and are less profitmaximising<br />

than elsewhere.<br />

Cost-plus, rate-of-return regulation can also lead in many<br />

cases to excessive investment in runway and terminal<br />

capacity bearing little relation to potential commercial<br />

returns. It does not provide a great incentive for dynamic<br />

efficiency in terms of timely and cost-effective new<br />

investment, as there are no clear signals or incentives to<br />

demonstrate the need for and value of new investment.<br />

Canada<br />

Greater commercial practices were first introduced<br />

for Canadian airports in the 1980s, removing active<br />

government participation in their management. The<br />

National Airport Program (NAP) transferred the<br />

operation of 26 major airports to local airport authorities<br />

(LAAs), with the federal government retaining ownership,<br />

while ownership and operation of smaller airports was<br />

transferred to provincial or municipal authorities. The<br />

NAP assumed that the 26 major airports would have<br />

the fiscal capacity to attract new investment capital and<br />

strong enough markets to generate sufficient revenues<br />

from their activities.<br />

The major national airports operate as “not for profit”<br />

entities, with any profits reinvested in terms of new<br />

investment. As such, they operate under a similar costplus<br />

system to US airports, with similar advantages<br />

and disadvantages as noted above. However, the reinvestment<br />

mechanism, as opposed to a change in<br />

charges if revenues are higher than costs, can exacerbate<br />

the ‘gold plating’ problem associated with investment<br />

and further reduce dynamic efficiency. For example,<br />

charges at Toronto airport remain among the highest in<br />

the world, even though it nominally operates on a “not<br />

for profit” basis, as they are used to finance expensive<br />

and inefficient investment in new facilities which are far<br />

in excess of airline needs.<br />

Australia’s major airports (except for Sydney, due to major<br />

investment in advance of the 2000 Olympic games) were<br />

privatised in the 1990s, with Sydney airport eventually<br />

privatised in 2002. All of the major airports now operate<br />

on a commercial, profit-maximising basis, under a longterm<br />

lease of the airport facilities from the Federal<br />

Government.<br />

The privatised airports were initially subject to price-cap<br />

regulation on aeronautical services (i.e. a dual-till system)<br />

by the Australian Consumer and Competition Commission<br />

(ACCC) for the first five years after privatisation. The<br />

structure was reviewed by the Australian Productivity<br />

Commission (PC), with the intention to replace price-cap<br />

regulation with a price monitoring regime(for a probationary<br />

five year period from 2002), unless significant monopoly<br />

pricing behaviour was found. The PC undertook a second<br />

review in late 2006 that proposed maintaining the price<br />

monitoring system for a further five years. Following<br />

its privatisation, and significant increases in charges,<br />

Sydney airport is also subject to the light-handed price<br />

monitoring regime, though with price-cap regulation on<br />

its regional air services.<br />

The PC’s justification for a change from price-cap<br />

regulation to price monitoring was based on three<br />

perceived problems of price-cap regulation:<br />

Airport profit volatility.<br />

Airports were largely unprofitable under price-cap<br />

regulation and the collapse of the airline Ansett in<br />

2001, which accounted for 42% of the domestic<br />

market, imposed an additional financial crisis upon them.<br />

However, in some cases unprofitability can be attributed<br />

to operational inefficiency as well as, for some such as<br />

Perth and Adelaide, a tight regulatory settlement. At the<br />

time of the Ansett collapse, there was a few months left<br />

of the first regulatory period so the Government allowed<br />

an immediate charges increase of 6-7% before moving<br />

to the price monitoring system in 2002. However, by<br />

replacing price-cap regulation, any additional flexibility<br />

was gained at the expense of removing strong incentive<br />

properties for greater efficiency.<br />

Weak investment incentives.<br />

Price-cap regulation was viewed as a potential barrier<br />

against new investment, yet there was little evidence of<br />

this especially after just five years of the price-cap system.<br />

Indeed, under the price-cap system airports could (and<br />

did) seek approval from the ACCC for charges to increase<br />

for compulsory regulatory changes and Necessary New<br />

Investment, subject to support from airline users.

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