The Syntax of Givenness Ivona Kucerová
The Syntax of Givenness Ivona Kucerová The Syntax of Givenness Ivona Kucerová
. TP yesterday TP car TP drove vP Petr vP t car vP t yesterday . . . VP quickly . . . To sum up, we have seen in this section that G-movement can target a single given element as well as a constituent dominating more than one given element. I have argued that movement of a constituent containing more than one given element is preferred to moving the given elements separately. Whether such a constituent may G-move depends on two factors: (i) such a constituent must independently be able to move, and (ii) the constituent may dominate only given element sat the point of G-movement. I have argued that the variety of word order patterns found in Czech arises from a combination of the two moving strategies: (i) given elements moving separately, and (ii) given elements moving as one constituent. Thus, G-movement turned out to be a sufficient tool for deriving the complex Czech data. But we have also seen that we do not have a sufficient metrics yet that would decide when exactly G-movement is licensed. In chapter 4 I will show how the syntax-semantics interface decides when G-movement is licensed and when it is not. 3.3 Summary In this section, we have seen how G-movement introduces a sort of verb second pattern in which the given elements are moved around the verbal head, unless such a given element is the last element merged in the relevant part of the derivation. I have argued that if more than one given element can move as one constituent, such a derivation is preferred to a derivation in which the given elements undergo independent movement. In contrast, if several given elements cannot move as one constituent, they must move independently. The independent instances of G-movement must obey the Path containment condition. I argued that a combination of these two strategies – order preserving movement of one con- 84
stituent containing several given element versus order reversing movement of several given elements – derives the variety of word order patterns found in Czech. In the next chapter I will address the question of what drives G-movement. I will built on results from this and the previous chapters, mainly on the conclusion that G-movement is an extremely local, last resort operation that seems to be insensitive to possible feature percolation. I will propose that G-movement is free movement that is restricted only by interface requirements, in particular, by the syntax-semantics interface. 85
- Page 33 and 34: TP Aux TP T vP t Aux VP money VP gi
- Page 35 and 36: c. #Jeho viděla Marie na nádraž
- Page 37 and 38: (63) a. #Diskuse proběhla bez věd
- Page 39 and 40: (70) a. #Žáky a učitelku to pře
- Page 41 and 42: Chapter 2 G-movement In chapter 1,
- Page 43 and 44: asic word order cases we expect wor
- Page 45 and 46: (9) a. What happened? b. #[Vlak př
- Page 47 and 48: . ?P DO vP subject vP v VP V VP IO
- Page 49 and 50: . vP subject vP v VP V ?P DO VP IO
- Page 51 and 52: . Marie [ vP včera dala [ V P rych
- Page 53 and 54: vP Marie vP yesterday vP gave VP qu
- Page 55 and 56: list reading. No such requirement e
- Page 57 and 58: poskytovat jídlo. provide food.Acc
- Page 59 and 60: a. X X X Z X X α b. X α X X X Z X
- Page 61 and 62: existing Agree relation in case it
- Page 63 and 64: 2.4 Summary In this chapter, I have
- Page 65 and 66: 3.1 Deriving the verb partition In
- Page 67 and 68: We will see in the next section how
- Page 69 and 70: e. vP subject vP DO vP v VP v V DO
- Page 71 and 72: If more than one given element may
- Page 73 and 74: c. TP VP book give to-Peter t book
- Page 75 and 76: (20) a. Marie otevřela zase dveře
- Page 77 and 78: cause she was interrupted by her mo
- Page 79 and 80: . TP T-v-V vP Marie vP again vP t v
- Page 81 and 82: move again, (38-b). When the given
- Page 83: Since the subject is new, the deriv
- Page 87 and 88: 4.1 Where we stand In the previous
- Page 89 and 90: differently. As we have seen in (2)
- Page 91 and 92: on the semantic component, more pre
- Page 93 and 94: 4.2 Marking givenness by an operato
- Page 95 and 96: a. What happens with all the money
- Page 97 and 98: ‘Martin was loved again.’ The c
- Page 99 and 100: Furthermore, I assume that if there
- Page 101 and 102: lexical head. In a way, we want the
- Page 103 and 104: (54) a. VP Petr VP V t Petr b. vP P
- Page 105 and 106: c. TP VP book give to-Peter t book
- Page 107 and 108: In the same way that there can be t
- Page 109 and 110: (70) st terminating point object e,
- Page 111 and 112: c. G-operator and local G-movement:
- Page 113 and 114: Mary managed chair G to-burn d. G-o
- Page 115 and 116: well. Recall that there are two rel
- Page 117 and 118: There is simply no way the G-operat
- Page 119 and 120: (97) a. And what will he read and t
- Page 121 and 122: In this case, the given part is ‘
- Page 123 and 124: To sum up, we now have in place a f
- Page 125 and 126: Generic indefinites behave slightly
- Page 127 and 128: . #Porsche má kamarád mojí ženy
- Page 129 and 130: The position of the sentential stre
- Page 131 and 132: is whether English givenness is rea
- Page 133 and 134: Appendix A G-movement is A-movement
. TP<br />
yesterday<br />
TP<br />
car<br />
TP<br />
drove<br />
vP<br />
Petr<br />
vP<br />
t car<br />
vP<br />
t yesterday . . .<br />
VP<br />
quickly . . .<br />
To sum up, we have seen in this section that G-movement can target a single given<br />
element as well as a constituent dominating more than one given element. I have argued<br />
that movement <strong>of</strong> a constituent containing more than one given element is preferred to<br />
moving the given elements separately. Whether such a constituent may G-move depends<br />
on two factors: (i) such a constituent must independently be able to move, and (ii) the<br />
constituent may dominate only given element sat the point <strong>of</strong> G-movement. I have argued<br />
that the variety <strong>of</strong> word order patterns found in Czech arises from a combination <strong>of</strong> the two<br />
moving strategies: (i) given elements moving separately, and (ii) given elements moving<br />
as one constituent. Thus, G-movement turned out to be a sufficient tool for deriving the<br />
complex Czech data. But we have also seen that we do not have a sufficient metrics yet<br />
that would decide when exactly G-movement is licensed. In chapter 4 I will show how the<br />
syntax-semantics interface decides when G-movement is licensed and when it is not.<br />
3.3 Summary<br />
In this section, we have seen how G-movement introduces a sort <strong>of</strong> verb second pattern<br />
in which the given elements are moved around the verbal head, unless such a given element<br />
is the last element merged in the relevant part <strong>of</strong> the derivation. I have argued that if<br />
more than one given element can move as one constituent, such a derivation is preferred<br />
to a derivation in which the given elements undergo independent movement. In contrast,<br />
if several given elements cannot move as one constituent, they must move independently.<br />
<strong>The</strong> independent instances <strong>of</strong> G-movement must obey the Path containment condition. I<br />
argued that a combination <strong>of</strong> these two strategies – order preserving movement <strong>of</strong> one con-<br />
84