The Syntax of Givenness Ivona Kucerová
The Syntax of Givenness Ivona Kucerová The Syntax of Givenness Ivona Kucerová
. #Pavlovi || jeho maminka dala kytaru. Pavel.Dat his mother.Nom gave guitar.Acc c. #Pavlovi || jeho maminka kytaru dala. Pavel.Dat his mother.Nom guitar.Acc gave ‘Pavel’s mother gave him a guitar.’ The pattern observed in (2)–(3) is not a result of a V2 requirement. As we can see in (6) and (7), 3 for the direct object case, and in (8) and (9), for the indirect object case, there is nothing inherently wrong with the finite verb being in a different position. But the position is crucially dependent on the relevant context. In all the examples, the finite verb must immediately follow all of the given elements. (6) Do you know what our cleaning lady did with the new chair we got from Mary? a. Tu novou židli naše uklízečka || dala své známé. that new chair.Acc our cleaning-woman.Nom gave REFL friend.Dat ‘Our cleaning woman gave the chair to her friend.’ (7) I have heard that a friend of your cleaning lady stole from her the new chair? Is it true? a. Naše uklízečka své známé tu novou židli || dala. our cleaning-woman.Nom REFL friend.Dat that new chair.Acc gave ‘(No, that’s not true.) Our cleaning woman GAVE the chair to her friend.’ (8) Do you know what Pavel’s mam did to him that he is now so happy? a. Maminka Pavlovi || dala kytaru. mother.Nom Pavel.Dat gave guitar.Acc ‘Pavel’s mother gave him a guitar.’ (9) Is it true that Pavel was forced by his mam to buy a quitar from his pocket money? a. Maminka Pavlovi kytaru || dala. Pavel.Dat mother.Nom guitar.Acc gave ‘(No.) Pavel got a guitar from his mum. (He did not need to buy it from his pocket money.)’ The above examples exemplify the fact that the finite verb behaves as a partition between given and new. The question is how exactly we can explain the relation between the position of the finite verb and the partition between given and new. There are two logical options: either (i) the given elements move to separate projections above the projection of the finite verb, or (ii) the given elements are adjoined to the same head. It follows from our new definition of the head movement constraint and the extension condition on G-movement that all given elements must be adjoined to the projection hosting the finite verb. 3 The examples in (6) and (7) have a different word order of the arguments than the examples in (4). The word order difference is irrelevant for the argument: the same orders as in (4) are grammatical if contrastive focus was involved. I simplify the case here to stay only in the domain of G-movement. 66
We will see in the next section how the system works. In the rest of this section, I will continue looking at simple examples that we have not considered so far. The examples will serve as background for the coming discussion of more complex cases. Consider again the example in (4), i.e., a structure in which only the direct object is given. The predicted derivation proceeds as follows. First, the direct object needs to move at the VP level because it is asymmetrically commanded by the new verb, (10-a). Then the new indirect object is merged and the direct object moves above it, (10-b). Now the verb moves and the direct object moves again, (10-c). In the next step, the verb undergoes V-to-v movement and the direct object is free to move before the subject is merged, (10-d). In the next step, the subject is merged as the specifier, (10-e). At this point the direct object is again asymmetrically c-commanded by a new element (the subject). But the direct object cannot move at this point. This follows from our assumption discussed in section 2.3 that nothing can be merged within XP after a subject was merged as a specifier of XP. Thus, the only way the derivation can proceed is if the verb moves first to T. Only then is the direct object free to G-move again, as in (10-f). (10) Derivation of DO-G V S IO a. VP DO VP V t DO b. VP DO VP IO VP t DO VP V t DO 67
- Page 15 and 16: phrases are required to undergo G-m
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- Page 33 and 34: TP Aux TP T vP t Aux VP money VP gi
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- Page 49 and 50: . vP subject vP v VP V ?P DO VP IO
- Page 51 and 52: . Marie [ vP včera dala [ V P rych
- Page 53 and 54: vP Marie vP yesterday vP gave VP qu
- Page 55 and 56: list reading. No such requirement e
- Page 57 and 58: poskytovat jídlo. provide food.Acc
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- Page 79 and 80: . TP T-v-V vP Marie vP again vP t v
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We will see in the next section how the system works. In the rest <strong>of</strong> this section, I will<br />
continue looking at simple examples that we have not considered so far. <strong>The</strong> examples will<br />
serve as background for the coming discussion <strong>of</strong> more complex cases. Consider again<br />
the example in (4), i.e., a structure in which only the direct object is given. <strong>The</strong> predicted<br />
derivation proceeds as follows. First, the direct object needs to move at the VP level because<br />
it is asymmetrically commanded by the new verb, (10-a). <strong>The</strong>n the new indirect<br />
object is merged and the direct object moves above it, (10-b). Now the verb moves and the<br />
direct object moves again, (10-c). In the next step, the verb undergoes V-to-v movement<br />
and the direct object is free to move before the subject is merged, (10-d).<br />
In the next step, the subject is merged as the specifier, (10-e). At this point the direct<br />
object is again asymmetrically c-commanded by a new element (the subject). But the direct<br />
object cannot move at this point. This follows from our assumption discussed in section<br />
2.3 that nothing can be merged within XP after a subject was merged as a specifier <strong>of</strong> XP.<br />
Thus, the only way the derivation can proceed is if the verb moves first to T. Only then is<br />
the direct object free to G-move again, as in (10-f).<br />
(10) Derivation <strong>of</strong> DO-G V S IO<br />
a. VP<br />
DO<br />
VP<br />
V<br />
t DO<br />
b. VP<br />
DO<br />
VP<br />
IO<br />
VP<br />
t DO<br />
VP<br />
V t DO<br />
67
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