The Syntax of Givenness Ivona Kucerová

The Syntax of Givenness Ivona Kucerová The Syntax of Givenness Ivona Kucerová

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α G can G-move out of XP only if X 0 moves out of XP as well. Thus, I argue that the head movement condition understood as a form of parasitic relation (instead of new feature evaluation, use an already existing feature set) is a way to create a landing site in case there is no externally merged probe available. In other words, while in the case of feature-driven movement, there is probe P that creates a new sisterhood relation (P lands itself as the landing site), in case of G-movement, there is no Probe and re-merge is possible only if an existing feature-matching set is reused. A consequence of this assumption is that a given element α must be remerged within the same projection to which α’s head moves. We can thus strengthen the condition on the head movement, as in (33). (33) Head movement restriction on G-movement [final]: a. α G can G-move out of XP only if X 0 moves out of XP as well. b. If α G G-moved out of XP, α G may G-move to YP only if X 0 moves to YP as well. Another consequence of the feature matching requirement is that G-movement can take place after any merge because it is not dependent on introducing new features into the derivation. There is no need for G-movement to be feature driven. 14 Furthermore, since head movement is very local, G-movement must be local as well. Notice that there are three distinct configurations when G-movement of α can arise: (i) the head of α is in its base generated position, as in (34); (ii) the head of α has undergone G- movement, as in (35); (iii) the head of α underwent an independently motivated movement, as in (36). (34) Case (i): the sister of α is in its base generated position: X α X X α (35) Case (ii): the sister of α undergoes G-movement: 14 I will spell-out how exactly G-movement is driven in chapter 4. For the current discussion it is immaterial whether G-movement is feature driven or is not. Notice though that if G-movement is not feature driven, the proposal is still compatible with the phasal theory of Chomsky (2004b, 2005). Chomsky proposes that a feature-driven operation may take place only at the phasal level because it is only the phasal head that introduces the relevant feature(s) into the derivation. If G-movement is not feature driven, there is no reason to wait for the phase to be completed. G-movement may take place at any point. 58

a. X X X Z X X α b. X α X X X Z X X α (36) Case (iii): the sister of α undergoes feature-driven movement: a. X X Y Y Z Z X X α b. X α X X Y Y Z Z X X α We have already seen examples of all three configurations. Case (i) is a case of an object moving locally around an infinitive, as in (37). Case (ii) corresponds to an OVS order if 59

α G can G-move out <strong>of</strong> XP only if X 0 moves out <strong>of</strong> XP as well.<br />

Thus, I argue that the head movement condition understood as a form <strong>of</strong> parasitic relation<br />

(instead <strong>of</strong> new feature evaluation, use an already existing feature set) is a way to<br />

create a landing site in case there is no externally merged probe available. In other words,<br />

while in the case <strong>of</strong> feature-driven movement, there is probe P that creates a new sisterhood<br />

relation (P lands itself as the landing site), in case <strong>of</strong> G-movement, there is no Probe and<br />

re-merge is possible only if an existing feature-matching set is reused.<br />

A consequence <strong>of</strong> this assumption is that a given element α must be remerged within<br />

the same projection to which α’s head moves. We can thus strengthen the condition on the<br />

head movement, as in (33).<br />

(33) Head movement restriction on G-movement [final]:<br />

a. α G can G-move out <strong>of</strong> XP only if X 0 moves out <strong>of</strong> XP as well.<br />

b. If α G G-moved out <strong>of</strong> XP, α G may G-move to YP only if X 0 moves to YP as<br />

well.<br />

Another consequence <strong>of</strong> the feature matching requirement is that G-movement can take<br />

place after any merge because it is not dependent on introducing new features into the<br />

derivation. <strong>The</strong>re is no need for G-movement to be feature driven. 14 Furthermore, since<br />

head movement is very local, G-movement must be local as well.<br />

Notice that there are three distinct configurations when G-movement <strong>of</strong> α can arise: (i)<br />

the head <strong>of</strong> α is in its base generated position, as in (34); (ii) the head <strong>of</strong> α has undergone G-<br />

movement, as in (35); (iii) the head <strong>of</strong> α underwent an independently motivated movement,<br />

as in (36).<br />

(34) Case (i): the sister <strong>of</strong> α is in its base generated position:<br />

X<br />

α<br />

X<br />

X<br />

α<br />

(35) Case (ii): the sister <strong>of</strong> α undergoes G-movement:<br />

14 I will spell-out how exactly G-movement is driven in chapter 4. For the current discussion it is immaterial<br />

whether G-movement is feature driven or is not. Notice though that if G-movement is not feature driven,<br />

the proposal is still compatible with the phasal theory <strong>of</strong> Chomsky (2004b, 2005). Chomsky proposes that<br />

a feature-driven operation may take place only at the phasal level because it is only the phasal head that<br />

introduces the relevant feature(s) into the derivation. If G-movement is not feature driven, there is no reason<br />

to wait for the phase to be completed. G-movement may take place at any point.<br />

58

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