The Syntax of Givenness Ivona KucerovÃ¡

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‘Marie will give the/a horse to Pavel.’ Furthermore, the three hypotheses make different predictions with respect to the distribution of adverbs. I assume that adverbs in Czech, with the exception of prosodically heavy adverbs, are left branching and adjoin immediately to a functional head. Thus, for example a vP adverb can linearly intervene between the subject and the finite verb in v. 8 Consider the examples in (18). Time adverbials, such as yesterday, that are base generated at vP may precede the finite verb and both the direct and indirect object, irrespective of the word order of the objects. If G-movement of the direct object took place only at the phase level, this order would be unexpected without additional assumptions about movement of adverbs. Thus, we can conclude that the reordering of the direct and indirect object takes place within vP. (18) vP adverbs: a. Marie [ vP včera dala Petrovi Marie.Nom yesterday gave to-Peter.Dat ‘Marie gave yesterday Peter a horse.’ b. Marie [ vP včera dala koně Marie.Nom yesterday gave horse.Acc ‘Marie gave yesterday a horse to Pavel.’ koně]. horse.Acc Pavlovi]. Pavel.Dat We can further restrict the domain of the reordering by looking at VP adverbs. Assuming that VP adverbs adjoin to VP, we predict that if G-movement targets the end of the maximal projection, the direct object should precede the adverb. If, on the other hand, G-movement takes place within VP, there is no problem with the adverb preceding the direct object. As we can see in (19), a manner adverb rychle ‘quickly’ may indeed precede the direct object. (19) VP adverbs: a. Marie dala [ V P rychle Petrovi Marie.Nom gave quickly to-Peter.Dat ‘Marie gave quickly Peter a horse.’ b. Marie dala [ V P rychle koně Marie.Nom gave quickly horse.Acc ‘Marie gave quickly a horse to Pavel.’ koně]. horse.Acc || Pavlovi]. Pavel.Dat The examples in (20) are here as a control showing that the reordering with respect to the VP adverb takes place within VP. Thus the only way we can derive the examples in (20) with our current assumptions is to assume that G-movement takes place after any merge. The derivation of (20-b) is schematized in (21). The only new element – the indirect object – is marked by a box. (20) vP and VP adverbs: a. Marie [ vP včera dala [ V P rychle Petrovi koně]]. Marie.Nom yesterday gave quickly to-Peter.Dat horse.Acc ‘Marie gave yesterday quickly Peter a horse.’ 8 For a detailed discussion of adverbial syntax in Czech, see, for example, Biskup (In preparation). 50
. Marie [ vP včera dala [ V P rychle koně Marie.Nom yesterday gave quickly horse.Acc ‘Marie gave yesterday quickly a horse to Pavel.’ || Pavlovi]]. Pavel.Dat (21) a. VP is built and the DO undergoes G-movement above the IO: ?P horse VP Pavel VP gave t horse b. V moves within the VP shell: VP gave ?P horse VP Pavel VP t gave horse c. the VP adverb is merged: VP quickly VP gave ?P horse VP Pavel VP d. the verb moves to v: t gave horse 51
Page 1 and 2: The Syntax of Givenness by Ivona Ku
Page 3 and 4: Acknowledgments Two things were dif
Page 5 and 6: A.4 A note on base generation . . .
Page 7 and 8: (2) a. SVO: Chlapec našel lízátk
Page 9 and 10: accent on the auxiliary did in (4-a
Page 11 and 12: Pitch (Hz) 500 400 300 200 100 0 ch
Page 13 and 14: (6) Petr řídil včera rychle auto
Page 15 and 16: phrases are required to undergo G-m
Page 17 and 18: . A entails (α,U) where (α,U) is
Page 19 and 20: (23) What can be understood as new?
Page 21 and 22: (28) Derivation of [Subject]-G verb
Page 23 and 24: functionalist tradition there has b
Page 25 and 26: c. ?P v-V vP Subject vP v-V VP V Ob
Page 27 and 28: (40) What happened to the antique c
Page 29 and 30: movement is possible. (47) a. Why d
Page 31 and 32: TP Aux vP money vP gave VP t money
Page 33 and 34: TP Aux TP T vP t Aux VP money VP gi
Page 35 and 36: c. #Jeho viděla Marie na nádraž
Page 37 and 38: (63) a. #Diskuse proběhla bez věd
Page 39 and 40: (70) a. #Žáky a učitelku to pře
Page 41 and 42: Chapter 2 G-movement In chapter 1,
Page 43 and 44: asic word order cases we expect wor
Page 45 and 46: (9) a. What happened? b. #[Vlak př
Page 47 and 48: . ?P DO vP subject vP v VP V VP IO
Page 49: . vP subject vP v VP V ?P DO VP IO
Page 53 and 54: vP Marie vP yesterday vP gave VP qu
Page 55 and 56: list reading. No such requirement e
Page 57 and 58: poskytovat jídlo. provide food.Acc
Page 59 and 60: a. X X X Z X X α b. X α X X X Z X
Page 61 and 62: existing Agree relation in case it
Page 63 and 64: 2.4 Summary In this chapter, I have
Page 65 and 66: 3.1 Deriving the verb partition In
Page 67 and 68: We will see in the next section how
Page 69 and 70: e. vP subject vP DO vP v VP v V DO
Page 71 and 72: If more than one given element may
Page 73 and 74: c. TP VP book give to-Peter t book
Page 75 and 76: (20) a. Marie otevřela zase dveře
Page 77 and 78: cause she was interrupted by her mo
Page 79 and 80: . TP T-v-V vP Marie vP again vP t v
Page 81 and 82: move again, (38-b). When the given
Page 83 and 84: Since the subject is new, the deriv
Page 85 and 86: stituent containing several given e
Page 87 and 88: 4.1 Where we stand In the previous
Page 89 and 90: differently. As we have seen in (2)
Page 91 and 92: on the semantic component, more pre
Page 93 and 94: 4.2 Marking givenness by an operato
Page 95 and 96: a. What happens with all the money
Page 97 and 98: ‘Martin was loved again.’ The c
Page 99 and 100: Furthermore, I assume that if there
Page 101 and 102:
lexical head. In a way, we want the
Page 103 and 104:
(54) a. VP Petr VP V t Petr b. vP P
Page 105 and 106:
c. TP VP book give to-Peter t book
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In the same way that there can be t
Page 109 and 110:
(70) st terminating point object e,
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c. G-operator and local G-movement:
Page 113 and 114:
Mary managed chair G to-burn d. G-o
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well. Recall that there are two rel
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There is simply no way the G-operat
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(97) a. And what will he read and t
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In this case, the given part is ‘
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To sum up, we now have in place a f
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Generic indefinites behave slightly
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. #Porsche má kamarád mojí ženy
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The position of the sentential stre
Page 131 and 132:
is whether English givenness is rea
Page 133 and 134:
Appendix A G-movement is A-movement
Page 135 and 136:
. Svoji kočku má ráda Marie. her
Page 137 and 138:
with movement of a pronoun over a c
Page 139 and 140:
Petr’s friends.Acc saw Marie.Nom
Page 141 and 142:
A.5 Summary To conclude, we have se
Page 143 and 144:
Biskup, Petr. In preparation. The p
Page 145 and 146:
Dotlačil, Jakub. 2004. The syntax
Page 147 and 148:
Junghanns, Uwe. 1999. Generative Be
Page 149 and 150:
Neeleman, Ad, and Tanya Reinhart. 1
Page 151 and 152:
Selkirk, Elizabeth O. 1995. Sentenc
Page 153:
Zikánová, Šárka. 2006. Slovosle
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The Syntax of Givenness Ivona KucerovÃ¡

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