The Syntax of Givenness Ivona KucerovÃ¡

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a. VP DO VP V VP IO VP V DO b. vP Subject vP v VP v V DO VP t V VP IO VP t V t DO (iii) If the movement takes place after any merge, the direct object can move immediately after the indirect object is merged. 6 In the next step the verb moves higher, followed by merge of the subject, as in (15). (15) G-movement takes place after any merge: a. ?P DO VP IO VP V DO 6 Notice that the direct object does not need to move over the verb because the verb is given as well. 48
. vP subject vP v VP V ?P DO VP IO VP Even though we cannot decide among the three hypotheses by looking at the example in (12), the hypotheses make different predictions that can distinguish among them. The first prediction concerns the position of the main verb. I have already mentioned in 1.4 that in Czech the main verb obligatory moves out of VP in the present and the past tense but not in the future tense (cf. Veselovská 2004; Kučerová 2005). Thus, if G-movement takes place at the end of the phase or at the end of VP, the main verb in the future tense should follow the direct object. In contrast, if G-movement takes place after any merge, the verb is expected to be able to precede the direct object. The relevant structures are schematized in (16). (16) Different predictions for the position of the main verb in Future: a. [ ?P DO [ vP subject v [ V P verb IO t DO ] ] ] ←− end of phase b. [ vP subject v [ ?P DO [ V P verb IO t DO ] ] ] ←− maximal projection c. [ vP subject v [ V P verb [ ?P DO [ V P IO t DO ] ] ] ] ←− any merge V DO The examples in (17) show that only the hypothesis that G-movement takes place after any merge makes the right prediction. 7 The example in (17-b), predicted by the two other theories, is a plausible answer to the question What will Mary do with the horse?, i.e., it is felicitous in a situation in which both the verb and the indirect object are new, but it cannot be used when only the indirect object is new. (17) Whom will Mary give a horse? a. Marie bude [ V P dávat koně || Pavlovi]. Marie.Nom will give horse.Acc Pavel.Dat b. #Marie bude koně dávat || Pavlovi. Marie.Nom will horse.Acc give Pavel.Dat 7 The sentences in (17) may sound slightly awkward to a native speaker. The reason is that in order to keep minimal pairs I use an iterative form of verb ‘give’ that is perfective. This is necessary because the basic root does not have a periphrastic future. See also ftn. (41) in chapter 1, concerning the same issue. 49
Page 1 and 2: The Syntax of Givenness by Ivona Ku
Page 3 and 4: Acknowledgments Two things were dif
Page 5 and 6: A.4 A note on base generation . . .
Page 7 and 8: (2) a. SVO: Chlapec našel lízátk
Page 9 and 10: accent on the auxiliary did in (4-a
Page 11 and 12: Pitch (Hz) 500 400 300 200 100 0 ch
Page 13 and 14: (6) Petr řídil včera rychle auto
Page 15 and 16: phrases are required to undergo G-m
Page 17 and 18: . A entails (α,U) where (α,U) is
Page 19 and 20: (23) What can be understood as new?
Page 21 and 22: (28) Derivation of [Subject]-G verb
Page 23 and 24: functionalist tradition there has b
Page 25 and 26: c. ?P v-V vP Subject vP v-V VP V Ob
Page 27 and 28: (40) What happened to the antique c
Page 29 and 30: movement is possible. (47) a. Why d
Page 31 and 32: TP Aux vP money vP gave VP t money
Page 33 and 34: TP Aux TP T vP t Aux VP money VP gi
Page 35 and 36: c. #Jeho viděla Marie na nádraž
Page 37 and 38: (63) a. #Diskuse proběhla bez věd
Page 39 and 40: (70) a. #Žáky a učitelku to pře
Page 41 and 42: Chapter 2 G-movement In chapter 1,
Page 43 and 44: asic word order cases we expect wor
Page 45 and 46: (9) a. What happened? b. #[Vlak př
Page 47: . ?P DO vP subject vP v VP V VP IO
Page 51 and 52: . Marie [ vP včera dala [ V P rych
Page 53 and 54: vP Marie vP yesterday vP gave VP qu
Page 55 and 56: list reading. No such requirement e
Page 57 and 58: poskytovat jídlo. provide food.Acc
Page 59 and 60: a. X X X Z X X α b. X α X X X Z X
Page 61 and 62: existing Agree relation in case it
Page 63 and 64: 2.4 Summary In this chapter, I have
Page 65 and 66: 3.1 Deriving the verb partition In
Page 67 and 68: We will see in the next section how
Page 69 and 70: e. vP subject vP DO vP v VP v V DO
Page 71 and 72: If more than one given element may
Page 73 and 74: c. TP VP book give to-Peter t book
Page 75 and 76: (20) a. Marie otevřela zase dveře
Page 77 and 78: cause she was interrupted by her mo
Page 79 and 80: . TP T-v-V vP Marie vP again vP t v
Page 81 and 82: move again, (38-b). When the given
Page 83 and 84: Since the subject is new, the deriv
Page 85 and 86: stituent containing several given e
Page 87 and 88: 4.1 Where we stand In the previous
Page 89 and 90: differently. As we have seen in (2)
Page 91 and 92: on the semantic component, more pre
Page 93 and 94: 4.2 Marking givenness by an operato
Page 95 and 96: a. What happens with all the money
Page 97 and 98: ‘Martin was loved again.’ The c
Page 99 and 100:
Furthermore, I assume that if there
Page 101 and 102:
lexical head. In a way, we want the
Page 103 and 104:
(54) a. VP Petr VP V t Petr b. vP P
Page 105 and 106:
c. TP VP book give to-Peter t book
Page 107 and 108:
In the same way that there can be t
Page 109 and 110:
(70) st terminating point object e,
Page 111 and 112:
c. G-operator and local G-movement:
Page 113 and 114:
Mary managed chair G to-burn d. G-o
Page 115 and 116:
well. Recall that there are two rel
Page 117 and 118:
There is simply no way the G-operat
Page 119 and 120:
(97) a. And what will he read and t
Page 121 and 122:
In this case, the given part is ‘
Page 123 and 124:
To sum up, we now have in place a f
Page 125 and 126:
Generic indefinites behave slightly
Page 127 and 128:
. #Porsche má kamarád mojí ženy
Page 129 and 130:
The position of the sentential stre
Page 131 and 132:
is whether English givenness is rea
Page 133 and 134:
Appendix A G-movement is A-movement
Page 135 and 136:
. Svoji kočku má ráda Marie. her
Page 137 and 138:
with movement of a pronoun over a c
Page 139 and 140:
Petr’s friends.Acc saw Marie.Nom
Page 141 and 142:
A.5 Summary To conclude, we have se
Page 143 and 144:
Biskup, Petr. In preparation. The p
Page 145 and 146:
Dotlačil, Jakub. 2004. The syntax
Page 147 and 148:
Junghanns, Uwe. 1999. Generative Be
Page 149 and 150:
Neeleman, Ad, and Tanya Reinhart. 1
Page 151 and 152:
Selkirk, Elizabeth O. 1995. Sentenc
Page 153:
Zikánová, Šárka. 2006. Slovosle
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The Syntax of Givenness Ivona KucerovÃ¡

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