The Syntax of Givenness Ivona Kucerová
The Syntax of Givenness Ivona Kucerová The Syntax of Givenness Ivona Kucerová
(4) Derivation of basic word order of unergatives: TP T vP subject vP v-V VP t V (5) Derivation of basic word order of unaccusatives: TP T vP v-V VP t V subject I argue that there is nothing special about unaccusatives and unergatives with respect to G-movement. The leftmost element can also be interpreted as given, without any word order change, as seen in (6) and (7). (6) a. What did Mary do? b. Marie || tancovala Marie danced ’Marie danced.’ (7) a. What arrived? b. Přijel arrived || vlak train ‘A train arrived.’ Furthermore, as the examples in (8) and (9) show, if the word order is reversed, the all new interpretation is not available anymore and the leftmost element must be interpreted as given. (8) a. What happened? b. #[Tancovala Marie] New danced Marie ’Marie danced.’ c. Who danced? d. Tancovala || Marie danced Marie ’Marie danced.’ ‘There are various opinions about history.’ 44
(9) a. What happened? b. #[Vlak přijel] New train arrived ‘A train arrived.’ c. What about the train? d. Vlak || přijel train arrived ‘The train arrived.’ To conclude, we have seen that even though an element in Spec,TP is often interpreted as given, there is nothing about this particular syntactic position that enforces given interpretation. I argue that this conclusion can be extended to other syntactic positions as well, i.e., there is no syntactic projection that is canonically associated in Czech with given interpretation. As we will see in the next section, G-movement may take place after any merge. This means that it can target various syntactic positions. One might conclude that basically any syntactic position is a good enough landing site for G-movement. In section 2.3, I will show, however, that the possibilities of various landing sites are restricted by G- movement being parasitic on head movement. In chapter 4, I will refine the generalization even further. I will show that the landing sites are further restricted by their semantic type. 2.2 When in the derivation does G-movement apply? In this section I will address the question of timing of G-movement. In order to distinguish among different theories, I will look more closely at more complex word order facts. On the basis of this data, I will argue that G-movement may take place after any merge (both internal and external). I will consider in turn three hypotheses: (i) G-movement may take place only at a phasal level, (ii) G-movement may take place at the end of any maximal projection, and (iii) G-movement may take place after any merge, the hypothesis I will argue for. (10) Timing of G-movement: G-movement may take place after any merge. Consider first the examples in (11) and (12). The example in (11) shows the basic word order in a ditransitive construction. The example in (12) differs only in a local word order change: while in the basic word order, the indirect object Pavel precedes the direct object ‘horse’, the order of the objects is reversed in (12). The rest of the order is the same. (11) Neutral order: S V IO DO a. What happened? / What did Mary give to Pavel? / . . . b. (||) Marie (||) dala (||) Pavlovi (||) koně. Marie.Nom gave to-Pavel.Dat horse.Acc ‘Marie gave Pavel a horse.’ (12) a. Whom did Marie give a horse? 45
- Page 1 and 2: The Syntax of Givenness by Ivona Ku
- Page 3 and 4: Acknowledgments Two things were dif
- Page 5 and 6: A.4 A note on base generation . . .
- Page 7 and 8: (2) a. SVO: Chlapec našel lízátk
- Page 9 and 10: accent on the auxiliary did in (4-a
- Page 11 and 12: Pitch (Hz) 500 400 300 200 100 0 ch
- Page 13 and 14: (6) Petr řídil včera rychle auto
- Page 15 and 16: phrases are required to undergo G-m
- Page 17 and 18: . A entails (α,U) where (α,U) is
- Page 19 and 20: (23) What can be understood as new?
- Page 21 and 22: (28) Derivation of [Subject]-G verb
- Page 23 and 24: functionalist tradition there has b
- Page 25 and 26: c. ?P v-V vP Subject vP v-V VP V Ob
- Page 27 and 28: (40) What happened to the antique c
- Page 29 and 30: movement is possible. (47) a. Why d
- Page 31 and 32: TP Aux vP money vP gave VP t money
- Page 33 and 34: TP Aux TP T vP t Aux VP money VP gi
- Page 35 and 36: c. #Jeho viděla Marie na nádraž
- Page 37 and 38: (63) a. #Diskuse proběhla bez věd
- Page 39 and 40: (70) a. #Žáky a učitelku to pře
- Page 41 and 42: Chapter 2 G-movement In chapter 1,
- Page 43: asic word order cases we expect wor
- Page 47 and 48: . ?P DO vP subject vP v VP V VP IO
- Page 49 and 50: . vP subject vP v VP V ?P DO VP IO
- Page 51 and 52: . Marie [ vP včera dala [ V P rych
- Page 53 and 54: vP Marie vP yesterday vP gave VP qu
- Page 55 and 56: list reading. No such requirement e
- Page 57 and 58: poskytovat jídlo. provide food.Acc
- Page 59 and 60: a. X X X Z X X α b. X α X X X Z X
- Page 61 and 62: existing Agree relation in case it
- Page 63 and 64: 2.4 Summary In this chapter, I have
- Page 65 and 66: 3.1 Deriving the verb partition In
- Page 67 and 68: We will see in the next section how
- Page 69 and 70: e. vP subject vP DO vP v VP v V DO
- Page 71 and 72: If more than one given element may
- Page 73 and 74: c. TP VP book give to-Peter t book
- Page 75 and 76: (20) a. Marie otevřela zase dveře
- Page 77 and 78: cause she was interrupted by her mo
- Page 79 and 80: . TP T-v-V vP Marie vP again vP t v
- Page 81 and 82: move again, (38-b). When the given
- Page 83 and 84: Since the subject is new, the deriv
- Page 85 and 86: stituent containing several given e
- Page 87 and 88: 4.1 Where we stand In the previous
- Page 89 and 90: differently. As we have seen in (2)
- Page 91 and 92: on the semantic component, more pre
- Page 93 and 94: 4.2 Marking givenness by an operato
(9) a. What happened?<br />
b. #[Vlak přijel] New<br />
train arrived<br />
‘A train arrived.’<br />
c. What about the train?<br />
d. Vlak || přijel<br />
train arrived<br />
‘<strong>The</strong> train arrived.’<br />
To conclude, we have seen that even though an element in Spec,TP is <strong>of</strong>ten interpreted<br />
as given, there is nothing about this particular syntactic position that enforces given interpretation.<br />
I argue that this conclusion can be extended to other syntactic positions as<br />
well, i.e., there is no syntactic projection that is canonically associated in Czech with given<br />
interpretation. As we will see in the next section, G-movement may take place after any<br />
merge. This means that it can target various syntactic positions. One might conclude that<br />
basically any syntactic position is a good enough landing site for G-movement. In section<br />
2.3, I will show, however, that the possibilities <strong>of</strong> various landing sites are restricted by G-<br />
movement being parasitic on head movement. In chapter 4, I will refine the generalization<br />
even further. I will show that the landing sites are further restricted by their semantic type.<br />
2.2 When in the derivation does G-movement apply?<br />
In this section I will address the question <strong>of</strong> timing <strong>of</strong> G-movement. In order to distinguish<br />
among different theories, I will look more closely at more complex word order facts. On<br />
the basis <strong>of</strong> this data, I will argue that G-movement may take place after any merge (both<br />
internal and external).<br />
I will consider in turn three hypotheses: (i) G-movement may take place only at a<br />
phasal level, (ii) G-movement may take place at the end <strong>of</strong> any maximal projection, and<br />
(iii) G-movement may take place after any merge, the hypothesis I will argue for.<br />
(10) Timing <strong>of</strong> G-movement:<br />
G-movement may take place after any merge.<br />
Consider first the examples in (11) and (12). <strong>The</strong> example in (11) shows the basic word<br />
order in a ditransitive construction. <strong>The</strong> example in (12) differs only in a local word order<br />
change: while in the basic word order, the indirect object Pavel precedes the direct object<br />
‘horse’, the order <strong>of</strong> the objects is reversed in (12). <strong>The</strong> rest <strong>of</strong> the order is the same.<br />
(11) Neutral order: S V IO DO<br />
a. What happened? / What did Mary give to Pavel? / . . .<br />
b. (||) Marie (||) dala (||) Pavlovi (||) koně.<br />
Marie.Nom gave to-Pavel.Dat horse.Acc<br />
‘Marie gave Pavel a horse.’<br />
(12) a. Whom did Marie give a horse?<br />
45