The Syntax of Givenness Ivona Kucerová

The Syntax of Givenness Ivona Kucerová The Syntax of Givenness Ivona Kucerová

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(4) Derivation of basic word order of unergatives: TP T vP subject vP v-V VP t V (5) Derivation of basic word order of unaccusatives: TP T vP v-V VP t V subject I argue that there is nothing special about unaccusatives and unergatives with respect to G-movement. The leftmost element can also be interpreted as given, without any word order change, as seen in (6) and (7). (6) a. What did Mary do? b. Marie || tancovala Marie danced ’Marie danced.’ (7) a. What arrived? b. Přijel arrived || vlak train ‘A train arrived.’ Furthermore, as the examples in (8) and (9) show, if the word order is reversed, the all new interpretation is not available anymore and the leftmost element must be interpreted as given. (8) a. What happened? b. #[Tancovala Marie] New danced Marie ’Marie danced.’ c. Who danced? d. Tancovala || Marie danced Marie ’Marie danced.’ ‘There are various opinions about history.’ 44

(9) a. What happened? b. #[Vlak přijel] New train arrived ‘A train arrived.’ c. What about the train? d. Vlak || přijel train arrived ‘The train arrived.’ To conclude, we have seen that even though an element in Spec,TP is often interpreted as given, there is nothing about this particular syntactic position that enforces given interpretation. I argue that this conclusion can be extended to other syntactic positions as well, i.e., there is no syntactic projection that is canonically associated in Czech with given interpretation. As we will see in the next section, G-movement may take place after any merge. This means that it can target various syntactic positions. One might conclude that basically any syntactic position is a good enough landing site for G-movement. In section 2.3, I will show, however, that the possibilities of various landing sites are restricted by G- movement being parasitic on head movement. In chapter 4, I will refine the generalization even further. I will show that the landing sites are further restricted by their semantic type. 2.2 When in the derivation does G-movement apply? In this section I will address the question of timing of G-movement. In order to distinguish among different theories, I will look more closely at more complex word order facts. On the basis of this data, I will argue that G-movement may take place after any merge (both internal and external). I will consider in turn three hypotheses: (i) G-movement may take place only at a phasal level, (ii) G-movement may take place at the end of any maximal projection, and (iii) G-movement may take place after any merge, the hypothesis I will argue for. (10) Timing of G-movement: G-movement may take place after any merge. Consider first the examples in (11) and (12). The example in (11) shows the basic word order in a ditransitive construction. The example in (12) differs only in a local word order change: while in the basic word order, the indirect object Pavel precedes the direct object ‘horse’, the order of the objects is reversed in (12). The rest of the order is the same. (11) Neutral order: S V IO DO a. What happened? / What did Mary give to Pavel? / . . . b. (||) Marie (||) dala (||) Pavlovi (||) koně. Marie.Nom gave to-Pavel.Dat horse.Acc ‘Marie gave Pavel a horse.’ (12) a. Whom did Marie give a horse? 45

(9) a. What happened?<br />

b. #[Vlak přijel] New<br />

train arrived<br />

‘A train arrived.’<br />

c. What about the train?<br />

d. Vlak || přijel<br />

train arrived<br />

‘<strong>The</strong> train arrived.’<br />

To conclude, we have seen that even though an element in Spec,TP is <strong>of</strong>ten interpreted<br />

as given, there is nothing about this particular syntactic position that enforces given interpretation.<br />

I argue that this conclusion can be extended to other syntactic positions as<br />

well, i.e., there is no syntactic projection that is canonically associated in Czech with given<br />

interpretation. As we will see in the next section, G-movement may take place after any<br />

merge. This means that it can target various syntactic positions. One might conclude that<br />

basically any syntactic position is a good enough landing site for G-movement. In section<br />

2.3, I will show, however, that the possibilities <strong>of</strong> various landing sites are restricted by G-<br />

movement being parasitic on head movement. In chapter 4, I will refine the generalization<br />

even further. I will show that the landing sites are further restricted by their semantic type.<br />

2.2 When in the derivation does G-movement apply?<br />

In this section I will address the question <strong>of</strong> timing <strong>of</strong> G-movement. In order to distinguish<br />

among different theories, I will look more closely at more complex word order facts. On<br />

the basis <strong>of</strong> this data, I will argue that G-movement may take place after any merge (both<br />

internal and external).<br />

I will consider in turn three hypotheses: (i) G-movement may take place only at a<br />

phasal level, (ii) G-movement may take place at the end <strong>of</strong> any maximal projection, and<br />

(iii) G-movement may take place after any merge, the hypothesis I will argue for.<br />

(10) Timing <strong>of</strong> G-movement:<br />

G-movement may take place after any merge.<br />

Consider first the examples in (11) and (12). <strong>The</strong> example in (11) shows the basic word<br />

order in a ditransitive construction. <strong>The</strong> example in (12) differs only in a local word order<br />

change: while in the basic word order, the indirect object Pavel precedes the direct object<br />

‘horse’, the order <strong>of</strong> the objects is reversed in (12). <strong>The</strong> rest <strong>of</strong> the order is the same.<br />

(11) Neutral order: S V IO DO<br />

a. What happened? / What did Mary give to Pavel? / . . .<br />

b. (||) Marie (||) dala (||) Pavlovi (||) koně.<br />

Marie.Nom gave to-Pavel.Dat horse.Acc<br />

‘Marie gave Pavel a horse.’<br />

(12) a. Whom did Marie give a horse?<br />

45

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