The Syntax of Givenness Ivona Kucerová
The Syntax of Givenness Ivona Kucerová The Syntax of Givenness Ivona Kucerová
1.5 The distribution of pronouns: G-movement as a last Resort In this section (i) I will provide independent evidence for the assumption that G-movement is a last resort operation. (ii) I will also address the question of what happens if α G is required to move but the movement is independently blocked by syntax. I will also introduce an observation that elements that are given by their lexical entry, such as pronouns, do not undergo G-movement. I will use the difference between lexically given items and non-lexically given items to investigate when G-movement must take place. I will first look at cases in which G-movement is independently blocked. In contrast to the previously discussed cases where α G was able to locally G-move, we will now consider cases in which α G cannot move at all. We will see that, in such a configuration, if α G is asymmetrically c-commanded by a new element, α G must be realized by a pronoun, i.e., an element that comes marked as given from the lexicon. I will argue that if G-movement of α is required, α must G-move at least once. On the other hand, as we will see, if α G is trapped in a position that is not asymmetrically c-commanded by any new element, α G does not need to be lexically given. This fact will provide independent evidence for the assumption that G-movement is a last resort operation. I will refine this analysis in chapter 4 where I will introduce a global comparison system which will enforce lexical givenness in cases that would not be otherwise interpreted as given. In this chapter, however, we will stay with the surface oriented generalization. A question we have not asked yet is whether G-movement applies to all given elements. The answer is no. G-movement does not apply to pronouns. To see this, consider the example in (57). As we can see, there is a difference in the position of the same given element depending on whether the element is realized as a full DP (Pavel) or as a pronoun (ho/jeho, ‘him’). 21 (57) What do you know about Pavel? a. Marie ho viděla na nádraží. ̌new > pronoun Marie.Nom him.Acc saw on railway-station b. #Marie Pavla viděla na nádraží. # new > DP Marie.Nom Pavla.Acc saw on railway-station 21 Personal pronouns in Czech come in two flavors: weak pronouns, in this case ho, and strong pronouns, in this case jeho (Cardinaletti and Starke, 1999). They differ in their syntactic distribution and interpretation. Crucially, weak pronouns are excluded from the left edge of a prosodic constituent, including the sentence initial position. The reason is that Czech requires main word stress to be aligned to the left edge of a prosodic constituent (see, for example, Petr et al. 1986; Palková 1994; van der Hulst 1999) and since weak pronouns cannot be stressed they are excluded from the left edge. If a pronoun needs to be, for instance, in the sentence initial position, it must be realized as a strong pronoun. For further details about the distinction between weak and strong pronouns see Cardinaletti and Starke 1999. More details about distributional properties of Czech weak pronouns can be found at Vos and Veselovská 1999. 34
c. #Jeho viděla Marie na nádraží. # pronoun new t him.Acc saw Marie.Nom on railway-station d. Pavla viděla Marie na nádraží. ̌DP new t Pavel.Acc saw Marie.Nom on railway-station ‘Marie saw him/Pavel in the railway-station.’ One could argue that pronouns are excluded from the sentence initial position on independent grounds. As we can see in (58), with a different information structure, i.e, if the pronoun is contrastive, the pronoun initial clause is fully acceptable. (58) JEHO Marie neviděla. Jenom Petra. him.Acc Marie.Nom not-saw only Petr.Acc ‘Marie didn’t see HIM. She saw only Peter.’ It is well established that pronouns undergo movement from their base generated position. 22 I argue, however, that this is not G-movement. If pronouns underwent G-movement we would expect them to appear in the same position as full DPs that are given. Most importantly, they would not be able to be asymmetrically c-commanded by a new element. As can be seen in (57-a), no such requirement holds for pronouns. In this particular example, ho ‘him’ is asymmetrically c-commanded by Marie, a new element, but this is not a reason for the pronoun to move. I argue that pronouns do not undergo G-movement because G-movement is a last resort operation and as such it takes place if and only if the relevant semantic interpretation would not be otherwise available. Since pronouns are already marked from the lexicon as given, G-movement is not needed, hence not allowed. As such, we can understand G-movement as a disambiguating method: G-movement applies only to syntactic elements that are lexically ambiguous, i.e., G-movement applies only to lexical items that can be interpreted either as given, or as new. This brings up an important point: what is the purpose of G-movement? If G-movement is a last resort operation, it cannot be the grammatical operation which marks or licenses an element as given. And yet, it does not apply to an element which is already given. I will argue in chapter 4 that the purpose of G-movement is to create a syntactic configuration that can be interpreted by the semantic component as containing given elements. If an element is already in the right configuration, G-movement does not apply to it. If an element is already given, G-movement does not take place either. At this point we do not have the right tools to explain the interactions between given elements and G-movement. Before we can get there, we need to understand better the properties of the syntactic configuration in which G-movement occurs. So far our system does not contain anything that would enforce the difference between elements marked as given from the lexicon and elements marked as given by the syntax. I 22 Czech weak pronouns are usually analyzed as second position clitics. As such they move to a position following the first syntactic constituent. For details see, for example, Veselovská 1995; Franks and King 2000; Bošković 2001. 35
- Page 1 and 2: The Syntax of Givenness by Ivona Ku
- Page 3 and 4: Acknowledgments Two things were dif
- Page 5 and 6: A.4 A note on base generation . . .
- Page 7 and 8: (2) a. SVO: Chlapec našel lízátk
- Page 9 and 10: accent on the auxiliary did in (4-a
- Page 11 and 12: Pitch (Hz) 500 400 300 200 100 0 ch
- Page 13 and 14: (6) Petr řídil včera rychle auto
- Page 15 and 16: phrases are required to undergo G-m
- Page 17 and 18: . A entails (α,U) where (α,U) is
- Page 19 and 20: (23) What can be understood as new?
- Page 21 and 22: (28) Derivation of [Subject]-G verb
- Page 23 and 24: functionalist tradition there has b
- Page 25 and 26: c. ?P v-V vP Subject vP v-V VP V Ob
- Page 27 and 28: (40) What happened to the antique c
- Page 29 and 30: movement is possible. (47) a. Why d
- Page 31 and 32: TP Aux vP money vP gave VP t money
- Page 33: TP Aux TP T vP t Aux VP money VP gi
- Page 37 and 38: (63) a. #Diskuse proběhla bez věd
- Page 39 and 40: (70) a. #Žáky a učitelku to pře
- Page 41 and 42: Chapter 2 G-movement In chapter 1,
- Page 43 and 44: asic word order cases we expect wor
- Page 45 and 46: (9) a. What happened? b. #[Vlak př
- Page 47 and 48: . ?P DO vP subject vP v VP V VP IO
- Page 49 and 50: . vP subject vP v VP V ?P DO VP IO
- Page 51 and 52: . Marie [ vP včera dala [ V P rych
- Page 53 and 54: vP Marie vP yesterday vP gave VP qu
- Page 55 and 56: list reading. No such requirement e
- Page 57 and 58: poskytovat jídlo. provide food.Acc
- Page 59 and 60: a. X X X Z X X α b. X α X X X Z X
- Page 61 and 62: existing Agree relation in case it
- Page 63 and 64: 2.4 Summary In this chapter, I have
- Page 65 and 66: 3.1 Deriving the verb partition In
- Page 67 and 68: We will see in the next section how
- Page 69 and 70: e. vP subject vP DO vP v VP v V DO
- Page 71 and 72: If more than one given element may
- Page 73 and 74: c. TP VP book give to-Peter t book
- Page 75 and 76: (20) a. Marie otevřela zase dveře
- Page 77 and 78: cause she was interrupted by her mo
- Page 79 and 80: . TP T-v-V vP Marie vP again vP t v
- Page 81 and 82: move again, (38-b). When the given
- Page 83 and 84: Since the subject is new, the deriv
c. #Jeho viděla Marie na nádraží. # pronoun new t<br />
him.Acc saw Marie.Nom on railway-station<br />
d. Pavla viděla Marie na nádraží. ̌DP new t<br />
Pavel.Acc saw Marie.Nom on railway-station<br />
‘Marie saw him/Pavel in the railway-station.’<br />
One could argue that pronouns are excluded from the sentence initial position on independent<br />
grounds. As we can see in (58), with a different information structure, i.e, if the<br />
pronoun is contrastive, the pronoun initial clause is fully acceptable.<br />
(58) JEHO Marie neviděla. Jenom Petra.<br />
him.Acc Marie.Nom not-saw only Petr.Acc<br />
‘Marie didn’t see HIM. She saw only Peter.’<br />
It is well established that pronouns undergo movement from their base generated position.<br />
22 I argue, however, that this is not G-movement. If pronouns underwent G-movement<br />
we would expect them to appear in the same position as full DPs that are given. Most importantly,<br />
they would not be able to be asymmetrically c-commanded by a new element. As<br />
can be seen in (57-a), no such requirement holds for pronouns. In this particular example,<br />
ho ‘him’ is asymmetrically c-commanded by Marie, a new element, but this is not a reason<br />
for the pronoun to move. I argue that pronouns do not undergo G-movement because<br />
G-movement is a last resort operation and as such it takes place if and only if the relevant<br />
semantic interpretation would not be otherwise available. Since pronouns are already<br />
marked from the lexicon as given, G-movement is not needed, hence not allowed. As such,<br />
we can understand G-movement as a disambiguating method: G-movement applies only<br />
to syntactic elements that are lexically ambiguous, i.e., G-movement applies only to lexical<br />
items that can be interpreted either as given, or as new.<br />
This brings up an important point: what is the purpose <strong>of</strong> G-movement? If G-movement<br />
is a last resort operation, it cannot be the grammatical operation which marks or licenses<br />
an element as given. And yet, it does not apply to an element which is already given. I will<br />
argue in chapter 4 that the purpose <strong>of</strong> G-movement is to create a syntactic configuration<br />
that can be interpreted by the semantic component as containing given elements. If an element<br />
is already in the right configuration, G-movement does not apply to it. If an element<br />
is already given, G-movement does not take place either.<br />
At this point we do not have the right tools to explain the interactions between given<br />
elements and G-movement. Before we can get there, we need to understand better the<br />
properties <strong>of</strong> the syntactic configuration in which G-movement occurs.<br />
So far our system does not contain anything that would enforce the difference between<br />
elements marked as given from the lexicon and elements marked as given by the syntax. I<br />
22 Czech weak pronouns are usually analyzed as second position clitics. As such they move to a position<br />
following the first syntactic constituent. For details see, for example, Veselovská 1995; Franks and King<br />
2000; Bošković 2001.<br />
35