The Syntax of Givenness Ivona Kucerová

The Syntax of Givenness Ivona Kucerová The Syntax of Givenness Ivona Kucerová

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Notice that there is no optionality in the word order of given elements in a sentence with a particular meaning. Thus, we need to have a restrictive syntactic system that would account for the word order. I argue that given elements undergo a special kind of movement that I will call G-movement. The rules governing G-movement are given in (11). Further restrictions on G-movement are stated in (12). (11) G-Movement [version 1] G-movement must take place a. iff α G is asymmetrically c-commanded by a non-G element, b. unless the movement is independently blocked. (12) Restrictions on G-movement: G-movement is restricted as follows: a. α G moves to the closest position X, such that no non-G element asymmetrically c-commands α G . b. If α is XP, then α moves to an XP position. c. If α is a head, then α moves to an X 0 position. (13) Closeness: (after Rizzi (1990)) X is the closest to Y only if there is no Z such that Z c-commands Y and does not c-command X. Following Reinhart 1997, 2006; Fox 1995, 2000, I argue that G-movement is a syntactic operation that takes place only if it affects one or both of the interfaces. In particular, I argue that G-movement must have semantic import. In other words, the grammar I argue for is restricted by economy in that it allows only syntactic operations that lead to a distinct semantic interpretation. Notice that if there is no non-G element asymmetrically c-commanding α G the closest position that satisfies the requirement on G-movement is the position of α G itself. Thus, if there is no structurally higher new element, α G does not move. The definition of G-movement implies that an element does not enter the computation marked as given but it is only the result of the computation that the element is interpreted as such. As we will see in 1.5, this property is crucially connected to the fact that G-movement is a last resort operation. Furthermore, (11) crucially relies on the notion of asymmetrical c-command (Kayne, 1994) 11 and it does not distinguish heads from phrases, in the sense that both heads and 11 The relevant definitions are given below: (i) X asymmetrically c-commands Y iff X c-commands Y and Y does not c-command X. (Kayne, 1994, p. 4, (2)) (ii) X c-commands Y iff X and Y are categories and X excludes Y and every category that dominates X dominates Y. (Kayne, 1994, p. 16, (3)) (iii) In the sense of Chomsky 1986, p. 9: X excludes Y if no segment of X dominates Y. (Kayne, 1994, p. 133, ftn.1) 14

phrases are required to undergo G-movement. 12 Consider the trees in (14). Taking into account that Czech is an SVO language, there are two basic cases to consider. Either (i) α G is a head and β (a non-G element) is a phrase, as in (14-a); or (ii) α G is a phrase and β is a head, as in (14-b). (14) a. βP α G b. β α G P In case of (14-a), the definition of G-movement requires the head α G to move above the phrase, resulting in (15). I leave open for now what exactly the landing site of such a movement is. I will address this question in section 2.3. (15) α G βP t αG An example of such movement is found in unergatives. In Czech, in the basic word order an unergative subject precedes an unergative verb, as in (16). If the verb is given and the subject is new, the word order is reversed, as in (17). 13 (16) a. What happened? b. Marie tancovala. Marie danced (17) a. Who danced? b. Tancovala || Marie. danced Marie ‘Marie danced.’ In case of (14-b), the definition of G-movement requires the phrase α G to move over the head β, resulting into (18). (18) α G P β tαG A simple case of such movement can be found with unaccusatives. In contrast to unergatives, in the basic word order, an unaccusative subject follows an unaccusative verb, as in (19). If the verb is new and the subject is given, the word order is reversed, as in (20). 12 The proposal predicts that if there were rightward movement, a given element might follow a new element. Unfortunately, I am not aware of any case of rightward movement in Czech that would allow to test this prediction. 13 I simplify the derivation here. In the full derivation, V moves to v, resulting into structure that requires another instance of G-movement. I will go through derivations in more details in the coming chapters. For now, I leave many details aside. 15

phrases are required to undergo G-movement. 12 Consider the trees in (14).<br />

Taking into account that Czech is an SVO language, there are two basic cases to consider.<br />

Either (i) α G is a head and β (a non-G element) is a phrase, as in (14-a); or (ii) α G is<br />

a phrase and β is a head, as in (14-b).<br />

(14) a.<br />

βP α G<br />

b.<br />

β<br />

α G P<br />

In case <strong>of</strong> (14-a), the definition <strong>of</strong> G-movement requires the head α G to move above<br />

the phrase, resulting in (15). I leave open for now what exactly the landing site <strong>of</strong> such a<br />

movement is. I will address this question in section 2.3.<br />

(15)<br />

α G<br />

βP t αG<br />

An example <strong>of</strong> such movement is found in unergatives. In Czech, in the basic word<br />

order an unergative subject precedes an unergative verb, as in (16). If the verb is given and<br />

the subject is new, the word order is reversed, as in (17). 13<br />

(16) a. What happened?<br />

b. Marie tancovala.<br />

Marie danced<br />

(17) a. Who danced?<br />

b. Tancovala || Marie.<br />

danced Marie<br />

‘Marie danced.’<br />

In case <strong>of</strong> (14-b), the definition <strong>of</strong> G-movement requires the phrase α G to move over the<br />

head β, resulting into (18).<br />

(18)<br />

α G P β tαG<br />

A simple case <strong>of</strong> such movement can be found with unaccusatives. In contrast to unergatives,<br />

in the basic word order, an unaccusative subject follows an unaccusative verb, as in<br />

(19). If the verb is new and the subject is given, the word order is reversed, as in (20).<br />

12 <strong>The</strong> proposal predicts that if there were rightward movement, a given element might follow a new element.<br />

Unfortunately, I am not aware <strong>of</strong> any case <strong>of</strong> rightward movement in Czech that would allow to test<br />

this prediction.<br />

13 I simplify the derivation here. In the full derivation, V moves to v, resulting into structure that requires<br />

another instance <strong>of</strong> G-movement. I will go through derivations in more details in the coming chapters. For<br />

now, I leave many details aside.<br />

15

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