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The Syntax of Givenness Ivona Kucerová

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and contrastive foci readings. I will argue that even though G-movement is independently<br />

restricted by syntax like any other type <strong>of</strong> movement, it differs from other types <strong>of</strong> movement<br />

in that it is parasitic on head movement. <strong>The</strong> emergence <strong>of</strong> verb second will be seen<br />

as a consequence <strong>of</strong> this restriction. In section 1.4 I will explore further consequences <strong>of</strong><br />

this restriction, namely, differences in locality restrictions on G-movement dependent on<br />

head movement properties <strong>of</strong> the relevant head. In the last section <strong>of</strong> this chapter, 1.5, I<br />

will provide independent evidence for the proposed machinery. I will argue based on the<br />

distribution <strong>of</strong> pronouns that G-movement is a last resort operation. As such it takes place<br />

only if the relevant interpretation would not otherwise be available.<br />

1.1 G-movement<br />

<strong>The</strong> idea that word order in a language such as Czech is sensitive to the discourse in the<br />

sense that parts <strong>of</strong> a clause that are old (given, in the background etc.) linearly precede the<br />

elements that are new in the discourse has been investigated in Czech linguistics for a long<br />

time. 9<br />

<strong>The</strong> questions that have not, to my knowledge, been successfully addressed yet are (i)<br />

how exactly is the linear partition (i.e., given ≻ new) derived, and (ii) how is the word order<br />

within the old and the new part determined.<br />

Consider the example in (5). This sentence could be an answer to ‘What did Petr do<br />

yesterday with his car?’ <strong>The</strong> || sign corresponds to the partition between given and new.<br />

Now compare (5) and (6). <strong>The</strong> example in (6) shows the basic word order and as such it is<br />

a suitable answer to the question ‘What happened?’. 10 As we can see schematized in (7),<br />

the two word orders differ quite radically.<br />

(5) Petr auto včera || řídil rychle.<br />

Petr.Nom car.Acc yesterday drove fast<br />

‘Yesterday Petr drove his car fast.’<br />

←− S O Adv1 V Adv2<br />

9 <strong>The</strong> relevance <strong>of</strong> the discourse for word order has already been observed by traditional grammarians (for<br />

example, Gebauer 1900). In the pre-modern tradition, the observation was stated in terms <strong>of</strong> psychological<br />

and structural subjects. To my knowledge, the intuition about the broader relevance <strong>of</strong> the discourse was<br />

for the first time formalized in a more systematic way by Vilém Mathesius in Mathesius [1929] 1983 and<br />

Mathesius 1939 (the first version <strong>of</strong> the paper was presented in Prague in 1908). In order to describe the<br />

relation between word order and the discourse, Mathesius introduced the term aktuální členění. This term is<br />

usually translated as topic focus articulation. This is not an exact translation though. <strong>The</strong> literal translation<br />

would be something like structuring [<strong>of</strong> the sentence] dependent on the current context and referred to theme<br />

versus rheme distinction. Authors that further developed the notion <strong>of</strong> word order dependence on the current<br />

context include, for example, Daneš 1954, 1957, 1974; Novák 1959; ; Dokulil and Daneš 1958; Šmilauer<br />

1960; Adamec 1962; Firbas 1964; Hausenblas 1964; Sgall 1967; Benešová 1968; Hajičová 1973, 1974; Sgall<br />

et al. 1980, 1986; Hajičová et al. 1998, among many others. <strong>The</strong>re is no way I can acknowledge in this study<br />

all <strong>of</strong> the empirical observations, generalizations and linguistic insight that is present in the previous work on<br />

aktuální členění in Czech.<br />

10 I will provide diagnostics for determining basic word order in 1.2.<br />

12

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