MAJDAL SHAMS URBAN PLANNING UNDER OCCUPATION ANALYSIS

MAJDAL SHAMS
URBAN PLANNING UNDER OCCUPATION
ANALYSIS

Analysis Diploma Thesis
Majdal Shams - Urban Planning under Occupation
Carla Schwarz, Leonie Weber
Prof. Markus Allmann, IGRE - Institut für Raumkonzeptionen und Grundlagen des Entwerfens
Prof. Philipp Misselwitz, SI - Städtebau-Institut, Fachgebiet Internationaler Städtebau
University of Stuttgart
April 2013

Table of Content
01 INTRODUCTION 01
The Occupied Syrian Golan ......................................
The Middle East .........................................................
Tower of the Sun .......................................................
02 HISTORY
14
The Druze Star ..........................................................
Druze History ............................................................
The Druze Community .............................................
National Identity + Belonging ................................
The Golan Druze ........................................................
03 THE GOLAN HEIGHTS
40
The Golan Heights 2012 .........................................
Border Shifts .............................................................
Value ...........................................................................
Before the Occupation ............................................
Since the Occupation ...............................................
04 POLITICAL SITUATION 72
Freedom of Movement .............................................
Border Crossing Groups ..........................................
Majdal Shams .............................................................
Points of Contact ......................................................
Israeli Settlement Policy .........................................
Israeli Land Policy ......................................................

Urban Planning ..........................................................
Autonomous Planning ..............................................
Economic Occupation ...............................................
The Valley of Tears ....................................................
05 MAJDAL SHAMS
150
Majdal Shams 2012 ...................................................
Historical Development 1968-2012 ......................
Population ...................................................................
Urban Analysis ...........................................................
Spatial Limitations ....................................................
06 THE FUTURE
212
Potentials + Weaknesses Majdal Shams ..............
Future Scenarios Israel ............................................
Development Directions Majdal Shams .................
Scenario Majdal Shams 2040 ..................................
General Scope of Action ...........................................
Best + Worst Cases Majdal Shams ........................
07 CONCLUSION
08 BIBLIOGRAPHY +
TABLE OF FIGURES
228
230

THE OCCUPIED SYRIAN GOLAN

8
9
In the summer of 2012, we accidentally came across the village
of Majdal Shams and faced the whole issue of the Occupied
Syrian Golan while travelling in Israel. Actually we went
to the Golan Heights to visit some members of the Majdal
Shams based band, Toot Ard, whom some friends of us got
to know at one of their concerts in Weimar, Germany.
We were invited to join them listening to a rehearsal of
their befriended band, Hawa Dafi. Afterwards, we had some
drinks in the very first bar in the Arab village which is today
owned by one of Hawa Dafi’s members. In the evening, we
had great conversations about the huge role which politics
plays in the local people’s every day life and the meaning of
having no national identity.
After a brief research, we got in contact with Dr. Nizar Ayoub
from a local NGO, Al-Marsad - the Arab Human Rights Centre
in the Golan Heights, who referred us to Dr. Nazeh Brik, a
local architect and urban planner, who had studied in Augsburg,
Germany.
We came back to Majdal Shams for one more day, talking
about how strongly architecture and urban planning are interwoven
with politics and military strategies in the special
context of Israel and its occupied territories. Being riveted
by the whole matter, we decided to visit here again in October/November
with an approval of our professors for focusing
more on this issue in our diploma thesis.
We spent one month in Majdal Shams and were truly overwhelmed
by the hospitality and openness we were confronted
with during our research. We earnestly hope that
our work can fairly reflect the comprehensive situation of
the Occupied Syrian Golan that we are focussing on.

THE MIDDLE EAST
TURKEY
CYPRUS
Mediterranean
Sea
EGYPT

10
11
SYRIA
LEBANON
GOLAN HEIGHTS
IRAQ
WEST-
BANK
GAZA
ISRAEL
JORDAN
SAUDI
ARABIA
0
100
200
500 km

TOWER OF THE SUN

12
13
The area commonly known as the Golan Heights is a small
region in southwest Syria (northeast Israel) that borders
Lebanon in the north and Jordan in the south. This highly
contested mountainous plateau was captured by Israel
during the Six-Day War in 1967 and since then it was ruled
by the military until Israel applied the Golan Heights Law in
1981. To introduce civil Israeli administration and jurisdiction
was equal to a de facto annexation and hence it was
highly condemned internationally and determined null and
void by the United Nations.
The Golan Heights do not receive as much publicity as the
Westbanks or the Gaza strip. Nevertheless, this occupied
territory by Israel is as critical as any other regions, as the
indigenous people have to face discriminations and violations
against human rights in their every day life. Before
the war in 1967, there were approximately 138.000 Syrians
from various religions living on the Golan. Most of them
,however, got uprooted and expelled during and after the
fightings. Only five villages with the total population of
maximum 7.000 people remained in the far north of the
captured area with the majority of them being Druze.
The Druze are a monotheistic ethnoreligious community.
The faith emerged around 1.000 AD from the Ismailism
school of Shia Islam but the differences from the Islam are
so tremendous that it is hard to say they stemmed from
the same religion.
With nowadays almost 10.000 inhabitants, the biggest
of the five remained Arab villages is Majdal Shams, which
means “Tower of the Sun”.

02 HISTORY
14
15
The Druze Star
Druze History
The Druze Community
National Identity + Belonging
The Golan Druze
... and Their Non -Violent Resistance

THE DRUZE STAR

16
17
green - ‘al-’akl - is for the mind which is necessary for understanding the truth
red - ‘an-nafs - is for the soul
yellow - ‘al-kalima - is for the word, which is the purest form of expression of the truth
blue - ‘as-sabik - is for the mental power of the will
white - ‘al-tali - is the realization of blue, in which its power has been realized in the world of matter

DRUZE HISTORY
Kalifat
DRUZE SECT first
time proclaimed
publicly in CAIRO.
Already developed a
sizeable following.
Druze
stopped
to accept
converts
CLOSING the FAITH
FEUDAL FORM
of governance developed
among the
Druze community
Crusader Period
Druz carved a small
AUTONOMOUS STATE
around Mount Hermon in the
Golan Heights
After 7 years in SECLUSION
the new religion was spread.
Communities in India, Levant
and Yemen.
Druze developed a
reputation as fierce
WARRIORS when
provoked to violence.
1017 1019 1027 1043 1099
OPPOSITION of
the new faith became
violent. Pogroms in
and around Cairo.

18
19
Mamluk Period
Ottoman Era
Druze REBELLION
against the Ottomans.
Refusing to pay tax or
accept the authority
of the sultan.
1244 1500 1523 1544 1585
Ottoman governor of Damascus
waging CAMPAIGNS
AGAINST THE DRUZE
to bring them into compliance
with the authorities in
Istanbul
Massive Campaign of
the OTTOMANS
AGAINST THE
DRUZE to subdue
their rebellious spirit.
Killing thousands,
confiscating weapons,
collecting taxes. Short
Period of control.
DRUZ LEADER Fakhr al-Din I
was invited to Damascus. When
he arrived he got KILLED.

DRUZE HISTORY
After capturing the
Ottoman governor, Fakhr
al-Din II expanded his
kingdom. >> nearly all of
GREATER SYRIA.
Rise of Fakhr al-
Din II represents
the POWER of
the Druze.
Syria under
control of Druze
Fakhr al-Din
Start to built an
OWN STATE in the
Lebanese mountains.
INTERNAL
DIVISION
Large MIGRATION
of Druze to Hawran
(Southwest Syria)
>> began to be called
JABAL AL-DRUZE
1600 1633 1700
1800
OTTOMAN forces captured
Fakhr al-Din II and
RETURNED SYRIA to
the sultan.
The intrusiveness of the
Ottoman authorities into
Druze live declined in the
18th century.

20
21
ARMED
RESISTANCE
broke out in the
Golan Hights +
Hawran.
Ottoman -
Egyptian
War I
Druze SERIE of REVOLTS
against the authority power.
Ottoman -
Egyptian
War II
Druze: “We fight
with the Egyptians
together but not
joining the army.”
Druze flocked to besieged
villages, ASSISTING their
CO-RELIGIONIST.
Example of the unity with
which the community acted
before the emergence of the
nation-states in the Levant.
Druze dispatched over
12.000 Christians by unifying
themselves and act as a community.
1831 1833 1839
1841
1848 1860
TENSIONS between
CHRISTIANS and
DRUZE rose up.
Ibrahim Pasha (Egypt)
requested the Druze for
NEW CONSCRIPTS.
They refused.
The initial expedition
sent to collect new
conscripts FAILED.
Violence between Druze
and Christians erupted into
a full scale CIVIL WAR.
Ibrahim Pasha led an ARMY of
20.000 AGAINST THE DRUZE
>> unsuccessful.

DRUZE HISTORY
French Mandate for
British Mandate for
The Druze MAINTAINED
THEIR AUTONOMY
from the Ottomans.
Periodically clashes with
the Turkish troops.
World War I
Druze government would
have accepted financial help
of the French but REFUSED
TO BELONG TO an eventual
UNIFIED SYRIA.
Draft of a proposed
constitution for an
INDEPENDENT
DRUZE STATE
was submitted to
France.
1900 1910 1914
1920
1921
The OTTOMANS sent an
army to the Druze to obtain
new conscripts and taxes.
>> SUCCESSFUL
ARAB KINGDOM
OF SYRIA was
established under
French mandate.
Druze loyalty to the Ottoman state was precarious at the OUTBREAK OF WWI.
General misstrust of both sides. British sponsored Arab revolt reached the Druze communities.
The DRUZE CHANGED SIDE and JOINED THE ARAB REVOLT.
French ignored
Druze requests
of INDEPEND-
ENCE.

22
23
Syria + Lebanon
Palestine
Syrian Arab Republic
Syrian Revolution
World War II
Prominent Druze
leader Sultan al-Atrash
called for a REVOLT
AND RESISTANCE
MOVEMENT in Syria.
At the eve of Arab independence
the history of
the Druze in relation to the
state was characterized by
rebellion and insurrection.
1923 1925 1927
1939
1945 1946 1948 1949
The boundary between
the forth coming British
and French mandates was
defined in broad terms by
the FRANCO-BRITISH
BOUNDARY AGREE-
MENT in December
1920. In 1923 the Golan
Heights were placed in
the French sphere.
French PUT DOWN
the insurrection.
INDEPENDENCE OF
SYRIA as a parliamentary
republic.

DRUZE HISTORY
Golan Heights occupied by Israel
Arab -
Israeli
War
Israeli Druze were well
on their way to FULL
INTEGRATION into
the JEWISH STATE
Approx. 130.000 Syrian
Arabs, Druze and Circassians
fled or were driven from
the Golan Heights. Around
7.000 REMAINED in the
Israeli occupied territory.
1948 1949 1956 1967 1973
Declaration
STATE OF
ISRAEL
ARAB-ISRAELI WAR
the Golan Heights were
partly demilitarised by the
Israeli Syrian Armistice
Agreement.
SIX DAY WAR
Israel captured
the Golan Heights
Resolution 242: the
UN demanded Israel
to retreat from the
occupied territories.
JOM-KIPPUR
WAR
Syrian forces overran
huge parts of the
southern Golan, before
being pushed back by an
Israeli counterattack.

24
25
Israeli annexation of the Golan Heights
MASSIVE PRO-
TESTS of the Golani
Druze. All Druze villages
on the Golan went on
STRIKE for 6 month.
1979 1981 1982 2000 2004
Israel offered
the Golani Druze
the ISRAELI
CITIZENSHIP.
Israel tried to FORCE
ISRAELI CITIZENSHIP
upon the Golan Druze.
Israel applied Israeli
law and administration
throughout the Golan by
passing the GOLAN
HEIGHTS LAW.
Negotiations between Syria
and Israel about the return of
the Golan Heights. >> FAILED
Internationally condemned
and determined
NULL AND VOID by
the UN.
Israel proclaimed the
establishment of NEW
SETTLEMENTS to
triple the Jewish population
in the next 3 years.

THE DRUZE COMMUNITY
TURKEY
CYPRUS
Mediterranean
Sea
The total Druze population worldwide is estimated to be
more than one million people. According to The Institute of
Druze Studies, approximately 40-50% of Druze live in Syria,
30-40% in Lebanon, 6-7% in Israel and 1-2% in Jordan. The
largest communities outside the Middle East are found in
North and South America. There are smaller groups in Australia,
West Africa, and Western Europe. 1
Occupied Syrian Golan
Druze Communities
EGYPT
Most Druzes are still hardy, independent farmers living in
mountain villages of less than 10.000 people. Many Druze
villages are located on hilltops or mountainsides, primarily
for purposes of defence.
1 “The Druzes, One Thousand Years of Tradition and Reform”, Intercom, the
International Studies and Overseas Programes’ newsletter, Vol. 21, No. 1,
October 1998, March 9, 2013
http://web.archive.org/web/20090114032929/http://www.druzestudies.
org/Druzes.html

26
27
SYRIA
LEBANON
MT. LEBANON
GALILEE
CARMEL
WADI AL-TAYM
GOLAN HEIGHTS
JABAL AL-DURUZ
IRAQ
ISRAEL
JORDAN
SAUDI
ARABIA
0
100
200
500 km

NATIONAL IDENTITY + BELONGING

28
29
The world we live in has fundamentally been transformed by
the rise of the nation-state and its ideology of nationalism
which led to uniting people and at the same time dividing
them from the outside by imposing man-made boundaries.
The Druze communities inhabited the mountainous terrain
of today’s Northern Israel, South-Eastern Syria and Lebanon.
They traditionally enjoyed communal solidarity, when
the currents of nationalism were spreading in the Middle
East in the 1920’s. The Druze were known for their fierce resistance
to outside control and for their relative autonomy
during the Ottoman Era.
In the aftermath of World War I, nation-states were being
shaped by the European colonizers and the leaders of those
incipient states tried often to integrate the Druze communities
into their systems. Indeed did the Druze play an important
role in the founding of Lebanon, but the situation in
nascent Israel and Syria was quite different. Due to the controversial
nature of Israel’s establishment, Syria was an immediate
enemy. Both states, Israel and Syria, saw the Druze
as potentially strong allies and a dangerous fifth column.
Through state institutions such as the military and
economic incentives the loyalty of the Druze was cultivated
in both countries. In Israel, these efforts seemed
successful concerning the Druze living within the
state, furtheron called the Israeli-Druze. These Israeli
Druze seemed to actively embrace the new national identity.
Many of them accepted Israeli citizenship and thus
served in the army.
Nowadays, the Druze within Israel are privileged above other
Arabs but still not treated as equals. After the Six-Day
War in 1967, Israel government was certain the same tactic
would work for the Syrian Druze living in the Golan Heights.
But unexpectedly the Golani Druze clung to their attachments
to Syria. Therefore, the Syrian government continued
to exercise its influence in the Golan Heights through a variety
of activities (e.g. scholarships for students).

NATIONAL IDENTITY + BELONGING
Druze in Israel
>> In the aftermath of World War II the Israeli authorities
made efforts to influence the Druze, who remained neutral,
through their propaganda campaigns mentioning economic
benefits of a Jewish presence and the mistreatment of
Arab leaders towards the Druze in the past.
>> The Druze remained relatively neutral regarding the
establishment of the Israeli state. When Jewish immigration
to Palestine continued, the anger of the Arabs grew
towards the Druze who did not embrace the call to liberate
Palestine. When the relationship between the Arabs and
the Druze Palestinian sharpened the Druze called the Jewish
Agency for protection.
state-imposed identity
Israel tried to integrate the Druze...
“Without the Druze, the Arabs are nothing.”
- Tuvia Ashkenazi, Jewish Agency 2 -
>> After the State of Israel was established, the authorities
confiscated large chunks of land from the remaining
Arab population. Slowly, the Druze lost the ability to
compete with the Jewish farmers supported by the state.
The traditional agrarian lifestyle of the Druze had to change.
They started to work in the private Jewish sector and took
over services in the armed forces. The dependence on the
dominant economy of the Jewish state limited the ability
to resist and protest against the discriminatory treatment.
As the probability of a conflict between Arabs and Jews grew,
the Jewish agents renewed its efforts to pursue friendly ties
with the Druze population and at the same time tried to create
an Israeli identity. Israel promoted Druze people in high
positions in the IDF, and they got some economical support.
Israel made them “first class” Arabs.
2 Tuvia Ashkenazi, “Ashkenazi’s Report on his Tour of the Jabal Druze, 20-
24 July 1930,” Ben-Zvi Files No. 2 (Hagana Archives). Quoted in Stoker. 32

30
31
Druze in Syria
>> The Druze expected to obtain a preferential treatment
of the Syrian government. Their vision to remain
with a communal identity clashed with the governmental
desire of creating a greater Syrian identity.
>> President Adib Shishakli (1953–54) tried to weaken
the Druze community by eliminating the relative economic
independence of the Jabal al-Druze (smuggling and hashish
trade, occasional financial assistance of King Abdullah,
Jordan). He also refused to develop the infrastructure of
Jabal al-Druze and tried to purge the Syrian army of high
ranked Druzes.
>> The community of the Druze developed a strong resentment
against the Syrian government. They organized huge
demonstrations in their villages and joint the oppositional
Arab Socialist Ba’th party.
>> In 1953, Shishakli crushed a revolt in Jabal al-
Druze and arrested all the traditional Druze leaders
accusing them of being spies for Israel.
In 1954, Druze army officers with strong connections to the
Ba’th party caused a military uprising which forced President
Shishakli to flee the country.
>> With the 1963 March Revolution the Arab Socialist
Ba’th party seized power in Syria.
>> After the revolution the power and influence of the Druze
grew through high ranks in the military and in politics.
self-imposed identity
Syria tried to domineer the Druze ...
“My enemies are like a serpent: the head is the
Jabal al-Druze, the stomach Homs, and the tail
Aleppo. If I crush the head the serpent will die.”
- Adib Shishakli, President of Syria 3 -
3 Joshua Landis, “Shishakli and the Druzes: Integration and intransigence”
in The Syrian Land: Processes of Integration and Fragmentation, Bilad al-
Sham from the 18th to the 20th Century, ed. T. Phillip and B. Schäbler, 369-
396. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1998

THE GOLAN DRUZE
fig. 2 Syrian Independence Day Protest
Majdal Shams, Golan Heights
April 17, 2010

90 %
32
33
June 1967 6-Day War
Israel captured 90% of the Golan Heights
6 villages remained
>> Majdal Shams
>> Mas’ada
>> Buq’ata
>> Ein Quinya
>> Gahajar
>> Sukhatah - later evacuated + destroyed
Israel
Golan
Heights
130.000
refugees
Syria
Israel
Syria
Druze State
as buffer
August 1967
IDF general Yigal Allon put forward a
plan to use the Golani Druze to form
a rebellion in the Jabal al-Druze with
the aim of creating an independent
Druze state
Syria
Golan Druze want the Golan Heights to be given
back to Syria
Israel

THE GOLAN DRUZE
AND THEIR NON- VIOLENT RESISTANCE
The Druze villagers on the Golan Heights were the only Syrians
who did not get expelled during the invasion of the
Israeli army in the Six-Day War in 1967. Israeli authorities
speculated that the Golan Druze could be integrated in the
Jewish state in the same way as their co-religionists had
been before.
Between 1967 and 1981 the captured territory was ruled
by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). With applying civil law
through the enactment of the “Golan Heights Law” in 1981
the occupied Syrian Golan should become an official part of
Israel. It was planned to integrate the Golan Druze in the
Israeli system and society to strengthen the justification
of the de facto annexation and therewith weaken Syria’s
claims for the territory.
In order to cut down the number of Druze
calling for a return of the Golan to Syria, Israel
firstly offered, later tried to force Israeli
citizenship upon them.

34
35
The Golan Druze mobilized against the annexation
and imposed citizenship. Their
leaders called for a widespread civic disobedience
against the Israeli state and the Golan
Druze community decided to reject Israeli
citizenship.
“We are not fighting against Israel, we can not. We’re not
against Israel’s security interests. Israel can do what ever it
wants to do. They can confiscate our land. They can kill us.
But they can not tell us who we are. They can not change
our identity.”
shops, their family festivities such as marriages or funerals
and so on. If they wanted to stay in the community they
had to give back the IDs and ask the whole community for
forgiveness. They had to go from door to door apologizing
to their neighbours and contribute money to support the
families of those imprisoned.
Thereupon the Israeli authorities impeded
everyone who refused citizenship from any
activity regarding the state. (driving license,
building permit, recognition of birth, working as a teacher...)
Another cause for refusing the citizenship was the therewith
associated obligation to serve in the army. The Golan
Druze did not want to end up fighting against their relatives
in Syria or Lebanon.
The Druze people who accepted the new citizenship had
to face social and religious sanctions like boycotts of their
The IDF captured five important Druze sheikhs (religious
leaders) and put them under administrative detention.
The Golan Druze reacted with a massive
strike. They shut down the schools and refused
to work in the Israeli sector and to buy
Israeli goods .

THE GOLAN DRUZE
AND THEIR NON- VIOLENT RESISTANCE
Subsequently the industry in North Israel was seriously
disrupted and even stood still for several weeks due to the
absence of 2.500 workers.
In response to the civil unrest, the IDF started
to blockade the villages and declared the
Golan as a closed military zone.
They stopped all transportations in and out of the Golan,
cut phone lines, denied any access to the area from outside
(media, medical supply, international NGOs) and arrested
people suspected to be leaders of the strike. For a few
days, a curfew was imposed on the villagers and water and
electricity was cut off. The army confiscated Syrian identity
papers and replaced them with Israeli ones, but the villagers
littered the streets with them.
The strike continued for six months and
therewith the story of non-violent resistance.

36
37
The villagers shared food with those who did not have
enough to hold out. When a village ran short people from
another village walked in mass to bring them goods. The
soldiers who tried to stop them were overwhelmed by the
mass. Some communities embarked on town improvement
projects and each set up their own schools. The IDF continued
arresting civilians and repressing demonstrations.
After four month there was a talk to put a big fence around
Majdal Shams and return it to Syria. Druze villagers joked:
”If they do that, we will have succeeded in liberating Arab
territory for the first time since 1948. Where all the Arab
armies have failed, at least we might liberate this one little
section of land. Why not?”
Due to repeated Lebanese guerilla raids, Israel’s attention
shifted to another border and therewith the Lebanon Israeli
War in June 1982. As the international attention shifted
westward, the leadership of the Golan Druze realized that
their strike would not succeed without the media, so they
reached a tacit agreement with the Israeli authorities.
The Golan Druze would accept Israeli identity
cards with the recognition of their Syrian nationality.
Furthermore no Druze land should
be confiscated, no Golan water resources interfered
and open crossings into Syria should
be granted for people and export products.
Without any formal agreement the Golan Druze suspended
the strike. But contrary to their expectations the new identity
cards did not specify their national identity but listed
it as undefined. Many Golan Druze refused to accept those
identity cards and periodically the IDF arrested handfuls of
people for refusing to carry the Israeli ID cards. Israel also
did not comply with all the other demands either.
Until today land still gets confiscated, access
to water resources is a big issue and the
border to Syria is tightly closed.

fig. 3 Demonstration on the main square
Majdal Shams, Golan Heights
1980s (?)

38
39

03 THE GOLAN HEIGHTS
40
41
The Golan Heights 2012
Border Shifts
Value
Geography
Water Resources
Agriculture and Tourism
Before the Occupation
Syrian Municipalities
Syrian Settlements 1960
Syrian Population 1960
After the Occupation
Syrian Settlements 1967
Israeli Settlements

THE GOLAN HEIGHTS 2012
LEBANON
With the term “Golan Heights” we are referring to the part
which Israel conquered in 1967, as a geological region it is
somewhat bigger. Its overall landmass encompasses 1.860
sqkm and according to Syria, Israel occupies 1.500 sqkm of
the entire area 4 . Israel states that it has captured 1.150
sqkm 5 and the CIA amounts the territory administered by
Israel to 1.300 sqkm 6 .
fig. 4 The Golan Heights 2012
4 “The Syrian Golan”, Permanent Mission of the Syrian Arab Republic to the
United Nations, http://www.un.int/syria/golan.htm
5 “Area of Districts, Sub-Districts, Natural Regions and Lakes - table 1.1”,
CBS, Statistical Abstract of Israel 2011, http://www.cbs.gov.il/shnaton62/
st01_01.pdf
6 “CIA - The World Factbook” Central Intelligence Agency, United States of
America, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/
geos/sy.html

42
43
MAJDAL SHAMS
KIRYAT
SHMONA
BENT JBAIL
AL QUNAITRA
SYRIA
QAZRIN
ISRAEL
GOLAN
HEIGHTS
Sea
of
Galilee
TIBERIAS
JORDAN
0 5 10
20 km

BORDER SHIFTS

44
45
In recent and modern history, there have been several border
shifts in the area of the Golan Heights. From the 16th
century until the First World War the Golan formed part of
the southern district of the Ottoman empire.
In 1917, Britain defeated the Ottoman forces and set up a
military administration until the two colonial powers France
and Great Britain signed the Franco-British Boundary
Agreement in 1920 where they defined in broad terms the
boundaries between the two British mandates of Palestine
and Mesopotamia and the two French mandates of Syria and
the Lebanon. With slight shifts, the borders were finally set
in 1923 and the Golan Heights became part of the French
Mandate of Syria and later in 1944 part of the newly independent
Syrian Arab Republic.
After the establishment of the state of Israel and the following
Arab-Israeli war in 1948-49, an Israel-Syria Armistice
Agreement was adopted with demilitarized zones along the
border. The agreement got infringed by both sides. After
various violent incidents, the Six-Day War broke out in June
1967. Israel battled Syria, Jordan and Egypt and took control
over the Gaza Strip and the Sinai Peninsula in the south
from Egypt, the Westbank and East Jerusalem in the east
from Jordan and the Golan Heights in the northeast from
Syria. Along the resulting ceasefire lines UN troops were positioned
in various observation posts and this lines became
the effective Israeli-Syrian border.
In a surprise attack, the so called Yom Kippur War (name
in Israel) or Ramadan War (name in the Arab countries),
Egyptian and Syrian forces crossed ceasefire lines and entered
the Sinai and the Golan in 1973. After heavy fighting
in the Golan Heights Syria was pushed back and Israel conquered
further territory beyond the former armistice lines.
As a ceasefire was reached, the two hostile countries held
disengagement negotiations and agreed to pull back their
respective forces to the lines of 1967.
Right after this convention, the United Nations Disengagement
Observer Force Zone (UNDOF) was established and
exists until today. The area is inhabited, governed and policed
by Syria, but no military forces other than UNDOF are
permitted within it.

BORDER SHIFTS
SOUR
LEBANON
UN 2000 Blue Line
Mediterranean Sea
ACRE
Ottoman Vilayet Boundary
Franco-British Agreement Boundary (1920)
Mandate Boundary (1923)
ISRAEL
Armistice Line + Demilitarized Zone
(1949-1967)
Ceasefire Lines (1967)
HAIFA
United Nation Disengagement Observer
Force Zone UNDOF (since 1974)
International Boundary
Israeli Security Zone (1985-2000)
Occupied Golan Heights
NAZARETH

46
47
MAJDAL SHAMS
KIRYAT
SHMONA
BENT JBAIL
Agamon
Hula
AL QUNAITRA
UN- Alpha Line
UN - Bravo Line
SYRIA
QAZRIN
GOLAN
HEIGHTS
Sea
of
Galilee
TIBERIAS
JORDAN
0 5 10
20 km

fig. 5 Israeli tanks advancing
Golan Heights
Six-Day War, 1967
The annexation of the Golan Heights by Israel in 1981 was
widely condemned by the international community and
from the perspective of international law, it remains as an
occupied territory to which the laws of occupation apply.
According to Al-Marsad - The Arab Center for Human Rights
in the Golan Heights a local, independent, non-profit international
human rights organisation, certain practices by
the Israeli occupying authorities constitute war crimes and
in some cases amount to grave breaches of the Fourth Geneva
Convention governing the protection of civilians.

48
49

GEOGRAPHIC VALUE
1.800 m
1.500 m
1.200 m
900 m
600 m
300 m
0 m
-300 m
The Golan region, comprising mountainous peaks and plateaus
on an average altitude of 1.000 m above sea level,
has an exceptional geo-strategic value from the military
perspective. The terrain ascends up to the Israeli held peak
of 2.224 m and the absolute peak of 2.814 m in Syria. The
Israelis call the mountainous massif Mount Hermon, in Syria
it is known as Jabal al-Shaykh. The elevated position of the
region offers commanding views in overlooking southern
Lebanon, much of southern Syria and northern Israel.

Mt. Hermon /
Jabal al-Shaykh
2.814
50
51
MAJDAL SHAMS
Har Meron
1.208
Sea
of
Galilee
0 5 10
20 km

WATER RESOURCES
Salt Springs
1 %
Lower Galilee Rivers
1 %
Golan Rivers
15 %
Direct Rain
11 %
Jordan River
72 %
Waters entering the Sea of Galilee (perennial average)
River
Water Reservoir
A second very important issue regarding the Golan is the
struggle for water. According to the United Nations General
Assembly, Economic and Social Council Report (2007)
the Occupied Golan is supplying Israel with one third of its
water consumption 7 . Other sources speak of 15 %. There
are about 80 wells found in the Golan and the Jordan River
which feeds into the north shore of the Sea of Galilee, the
only lake existing within Israeli territory, has three major
headstreams, the Dan, the Hasbani and the Banyas, all of
which spring or flow through the Golan. The Sea of Galilee
and the Jordan have traditionally been key water resources
for both Israel and Syria and are crucial to agricultural development
in the region.
7 “Economic and social repercussions of the Israeli occupation...”, United Nations
General Assembly, Economic and Social Council, 2007, 11

52
53
Hasbani
Banyas
Dan
MAJDAL SHAMS
Oryim
Agamon
Hula
Jordan
Yahudya
Sea
of
Galilee
Ruqqad
Yarmuk
0 5 10
20 km

AGRICULTURE
AND
TOURISM
From the economic point of view, the Golan and
its unique terrain is unrivalled within the state of Israel
and the disintegration of volcanic rocks has produced an
extremely fertile soil. Nowadays, Israeli agricultural settlements
are producing wine, beef, fruit and mineral water for
the Israeli domestic and export market.
fig. 6 Agriculture land around Ram Pool
close to Majdal Shams
The Golans picturesque scenery and its natural beauty has
given rise to a tourist industry which takes advantage of
the pleasant climate in summer, the spa springs at al-Hamma,
the various historical sites and the high, snow-covered
Mt. Hermon on whose southeastern slopes the only ski resort
in Israel is hosted. Every year approximately 2,1 million
visitors are attracted by the touristic offerings of the Golan
Heights. 8
Golan Heights
8 “Strategic Economic Significance of the Golan”, in The Golan - Ending Occupation,
Establishing Peace, Report of the London International Conference
on the Golan (June 2007), Abdulkader Husrieh, 11.

54
55

BEFORE THE OCCUPATION
fig. 7 The Golan Heights with Syrian village districts
before 1967

56
57

BEFORE THE OCCUPATION
SYRIAN SETTLEMENTS 1960
In 1960 the part of the Golan Heights which later got occupied
by Israel was inhabited by approximately 138.000
Syrians living in two cities (Al-Qunaitra and Afiq) and in 137
villages and on 112 agricultural farms. 9
Syrian village / town
9 “The Golan since 1967”, in The Golan - Ending Occupation, Establishing
Peace, Report of the London International Conference on the Golan (June
2007), Arab Media Watch, 9.

58
59
MAJDAL SHAMS
AL QUNAITRA
Sea
of
Galilee
AFIQ
0 5 10
20 km

BEFORE THE OCCUPATION
SYRIAN POPULATION 1960
5.000
2.000
1.000
500
100
During and after the Six-Day War in 1967 almost all native
inhabitants were uprooted and expelled to Syrian proper
and were forbidden to return. The destruction of the capital
city of Al-Qunaitra was heavily criticised by the United Nations.

60
61
AL GHAJAR
620 INHABITANTS
EIN KINYA
798 INHABITANTS
MAJDAL SHAMS
2.330 INHABITANTS
SU‘HEITA
200 INHABITANTS
MAS‘ADA
1.530 INHABITANTS
BUQ‘ATA
1.392 INHABITANTS
AL QUNAITRA
17.080 INHABITANTS
Sea
of
Galilee
AFIQ
0 5 10
20 km

fig. 8 Ruins of the destroyed city
Al-Qunaitra, Golan Heights
2001

62
63

SINCE THE OCCUPATION
SYRIAN SETTLEMENTS 1967
5.000
2.000
1.000
500
100
Almost all settlements got destroyed by the Israeli forces
except six villages with a total population of approximately
7.000. The remained six villages located in the extreme
north of the Golan are five Druze villages in the northeast
and one Allawite village in the northwest of the occupied
territory. Su’heita, one of the Druze villages later got destroyed
by the Israelis. In 1971 they deported the residents
to the adjacent village of Mas’ada and turned Su’heita into
a military base.

64
65
AL GHAJAR
385 INHABITANTS
EIN KINYA
578 INHABITANTS
MAJDAL SHAMS
2.918 INHABITANTS
SU‘HEITA
173 INHABITANTS
MAS‘ADA
705 INHABITANTS
BUQ‘ATA
1.425 INHABITANTS
Sea
of
Galilee
0 5 10
20 km

fig. 9 Ruins of the destroyed village
Ain Fit, Golan Heights
2012
“The Israelis forced the people to leave the village and also
the other villages surrounding Majdal Shams. A lot of people
came to hide in Majdal Shams because it was far in the
mountains. Some people were hiding in the school others
were hiding in the houses. Everyday, the Israelis came and
started shouting at them. After two weeks the Israelis told
the people who were hiding that they could return safely to
their own villages. As the people came out of hiding the Israeli
soldiers began to shoot at them to frighten them and
make them run away to other parts of Syria. The people had
been tricked by the Israelis into thinking it was safe to come
out of hiding and return to their villages.”
10
- Dr. Taiseer Maray, Majdal Shams -
10 Murphy, R., Gannon, D. “Changing the Landscape...”, November 2008, Al-
Marsad - The Arab Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Golan, 26.

66
67
“There is not one single place built in this country that did
not have a former Arab population.”
11
- Moshe Dayan, former Israeli Minister of Foreign Affairs -
11 Quote from a lecture Dayan gave to the Israel Institute of Technology in
Haifa and was reported in Haaretz newspaper on 4th April 1969

SINCE THE OCCUPATION
ISRAELI SETTLEMENTS
Immediately after the Arab villages got destroyed, Israeli
settlement building and population transfer were initiated
by the Israeli authorities. Like in the Gaza Strip or the Westbank
these settlements are for strategic means, not only
for accroaching land, but also as physical and demographic
obstacles to an Israeli withdrawal from the occupied territory.
Very often Israeli settlements are also exactly positioned
to restrict existing Arab settlements from expanding
(e.g. Neve Ativ, Nimrod, Snir, Odem and El-Rum).
remaining Syrian village
Israeli settlement
Nowadays the Syrian population still lives in the five golan
villages which remained after the war and has grown from
7.000 to 21.000 people with approximately half of them living
in the biggest village: Majdal Shams.

68
69
NEVE ATIV
SNIR
NIMROD
MAJDAL SHAMS
ODEM
EL-RUM
Sea
of
Galilee
0 5 10
20 km

fig. 10
Newly established Israeli settlement
Golan Heights
1970s (?)
So far, the Israeli authorities have built up to 37 settlements
with the total Jewish population of approximately 18.000,
or nearly 50 % of the total population on the Golan as the
United Nations records 2012. The UN was also informed
by activists that the number of personal displaced Golanis
and their descendants who currently live in Damascus has
reached approximately half a million by now. 12
12 “Report of the Special Commitee to Investigate Israeli Practices...”, United
Nations General Assembly, 2012, 16.

70
71

04 POLITICAL SITUATION
72
73
Freedom of Movement
Border Crossing Groups
Majdal Shams
Border Situation
Points of Contact
Living
Studying
Working
Spare Time
Israeli Settlement Policy
Neve Ativ
Kiryat Shmona
Qazrin
Israeli Land Policy
Urban Planning
Development Plan Majdal Shams - 1998
Israeli Settlements
The Struggle for Land
Autonomous Planning
Sewage System
Medical Centre
Building on the Waqf
Economic Occupation
The Valley of Tears

FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT
LAISSEZ-PASSER 13
A laissez-passer (from the French let pass)
is a travel document issued by a national
government or certain international organization,
such as the United Nations, European
Union and the International Committee of
the Red Cross (ICRC).
A laissez-passer is often for one-way travel
to the issuing county for humanitarian reasons
only. Some national governments issue
laissez-passers to their own citizens as
emergency passports. Others issue them to
people who are stateless, or who are unable
to obtain a passport from their own government,
or whose government is not recognized
by the issuing country.
13
“Travel Document”. Wikipedia. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Travel_
Document#Laissez-passer_and_emergency_passports

74
75
The Israeli Druze community is the only minority in the
Jewish State which is loyal to Israel and is serving in the
armed forces. Druze people are able to reach high positions
in politics, in the army and the free economy. Israel’s current
policy of ethnification aims to implement a Druze identity as
an ethnic group instead of recognizing Druze as Arabs with
a different faith. It can be assumed that Israel is trying to
keep them as separated as possible from the other Arabs
to not endanger their loyalty. As a case in point, there are
three different school systems operating in Israel. One for
the Jews, one for the Arabs (Muslims and Christians) and
one for the Druze. All in all the Druze are better situated
than Muslim and Christian Arabs but still treated as secondclass
citizens in the Israeli society.
The situation of the Golani Druze is similar to that experienced
by the Palestinian Arab residents in Occupied East
Jerusalem who have been given permanent residency under
Israeli jurisdiction. However unlinke the Golani Druze, the
Palestinian Arabs residing in East Jerusalem are permitted
to have Jordanian nationality.
For foreign travel, Israel issues the Golani Druze a laissezpasser
passport. Travelling with such a document gives the
people a feeling of degradation due to the extra scrutiny
within Israel and abroad. “Many [...] interviewees stated
that the treatment they receive while travelling on a laissez-passer
has left them feeling like animals, not human
beings.” 14
As previously mentioned, the Arab Druze on the Golan
Heights reject Israeli citizenship and Israel refuses to recognize
their nationality as Syrians. Hence they are defined as
stateless and are not permitted to vote, to run for Knesset
or to attend a school system which has the same standards
as the Jewish one. The Golani Druze are also subjected to
unjustified restrictions such as limitations on movement,
denied building permits and numerous other discriminations
in their everyday life.
Within Israel the Golani Druze are free to move. Due to the
annexation of 1981 Israel considers the Golan Heights as
an inherent part of Israel, thus there is no border, wall, or
fence existing between the Golan and (internationally recognized)
Israeli territory. The Golan Druze are free to move,
work, study and even buy property in the whole country. In
contrast to the Israeli Jews, the Druze are even allowed to
visit the Palestinian autonomous areas of the West Bank,
East Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip.
14 Russell, H. “Breaking Down the Fence...”. Al-Marsad - The Arab Centre for
Human Rights in the Occupied Syrian Golan. April 2010. 44.

FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT
Free movement
EGYPT
Restricted movement
No movement
Visa necessary

CYPRUS
76
77
LEBANON
SYRIA
Mediterranean
Sea
DAMASCUS
HAIFA
TEL AVIV
JERUSALEM
AMMAN
ISRAEL
JORDAN
EILAT

BORDER CROSSING GROUPS
MAJDAL SHAMS
HADER
LEBANON
ISRAEL
UNDOF
CHECKPOINT
destroyed city of
Al Qunaitra
The ceasefire line drawn after the 1967 Arab-Israeli war
had not just torn apart Syrian villages which had been
neighbours ever since, like Majdal Shams and the Druze village
of Hadar, 5 km further west. It also separated friends,
acquaintances and close relatives from each other; not to
mention all the people which had been forced to leave their
houses on the Golan and could never return home.
A few years after the war’s end an application process for
permits to visit Syria was introduced and so a small number
of family visits from the Golan to Damascus were allowed
annually in the 1970s, 80s and early 90s until an unexplained
incident occurred in 1992 which led Israel to cut this
connection.
GOLAN
HEIGHTS
UN - Bravo Line
UN- Alpha Line
SYRIA
Nowadays travel to Syria proper is severely curtailed, if not
impossible for the estimated 20.000 Syrian Arabs living in
the occupied Golan. Only selective categories of people are
eligible to cross the ceasefire line, but being eligible does
not mean passage is guaranteed.

78
79
RELIGIOUS DRUZE MEN (PILGRIMS)
+
NON-DRUZE MEN OLDER THAN 35 YEARS
WOMEN OLDER THAN 70 YEARS
Since there are no diplomatic relations between Syria and
Israel, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC)
is acting as a neutral intermediary between the two hostile
countries to facilitate any kind of border crossings. Also the
only kind of postal mail service across the border is facilitated
by the ICRC in form of RCMs - Red Cross Messengers.
Every year approximately 500 - 700 male Druze from the
Golan traverse the UNDOF - United Nations Disengagement
Observer Zone for a pilgrimage to holy places in their homeland.
The ICRC staff on both sides - Syria and Israel - makes
practical arrangements to ensure smooth crossings. Usually
every month the ICRC receives a list of people who will be
allowed through from the Israeli authorities and forwards it
to the Syrians.
For most pilgrims, the journey is also an opportunity to
meet family members from whom they have been separated
since the year 1967. In 2012 there were no pilgrimages
due to the situation of civil war in Syria. On September

BORDER CROSSING GROUPS
BRIDES
16, 2010 approximately 700 Druze pilgrims, including more
than 200 women, have been allowed to cross from Golan to
Syria proper. It was the first time that such a large number
of women crossed at once. Normally the people visiting Syria
are only allowed to stay three days - barely enough time for
them to attend religious functions and visit holy sites and
their families.
Another group of people which is allowed to cross the demarcation
line are students who are studying in Damascus
or elsewhere in Syria. From the beginning to the end of a
semester an average of 400 to 500 students walk across
the border, each time escorted by Israeli soldiers to the
Alpha Gate, then picked up by UN servicemen and brought
through the demilitarized zone to the Bravo Gate where the
students are already awaited by the Syrian army.
Due to the situation in Syria only 40 students which were
close to the end of their studies, took the risk and travelled
to Damascus in 2012.

80
81
STUDENTS studying in Damascus
APPLES
Contrary to the students who can move “back and forth”,
brides cross the UNDOF just once in their lifetime. In the
Arab community it is common that the bride moves to the
groom’s house, which in the special case of the Golani Druze
means leaving one’s family’s home forever. Some of these
marriages are arranged, like the one in the award winning
movie “The Syrian Bride” directed by the Israeli filmmaker
Eran Riklis in 2004. Others are love matches of former Damascus
students. Nevertheless it always means leaving
one’s home without an option to return - even for a visit.
A marriage and a funeral are more or less the only occasions
in which close relatives of both sides are allowed to
meet in the disengagement zone, or so called no-mans land,
between the two states - always under a watchful eye of
UN soldiers.
The last category upon which the two hostile states have
an agreement upon are apples. Since 2005 the Syrian Arabs
on the Golan are allowed to export 10 % of their apple harvest
to Damascus.

fig. 11
Parents awaiting their children to return from their studies in Syria
Al Qunaitra Checkpoint, Golan Heights
February 1, 2010
fig. 12 Students crossing the UNDOF
Al Qunaitra Checkpoint, Golan Heights
February 1, 2010

82
83

fig. 13
Groom advancing to the meeting point from A-Gate (Golan Heights)
UNDOF
August 12, 2012
fig. 14 Bride advancing to the meeting point from B-Gate (Syria)
UNDOF
August 12, 2012

84
85

MAJDAL SHAMS

86
87
TOWER OF THE SUN is the English translation for the
Arabic name of the Syrian Druze village Majdal Shams on the
occupied Syrian Golan Heights.
With its roughly 10.000 inhabitants, it is the biggest of
the five Syrian villages which are still existing on the Golan.
Within the Golan Druze community it also serves as their
social and cultural centre. The other three Druze villages -
Ein Kinya, Mas’ada and Buq’ata - are located southwards in
the vicinity of 7 km.
Majdal Shams is situated on the foothills of the Israeli Mount
Hermon. It lies 1.130 m above sea level and can be accessed
by two main roads which are leading uphill into the village’s
centre with its complex and steep topography.
Majdal Shams has grown up to point until it approached the
border to Syria in the East. Nowadays the distance between
the border fence and the closest houses of the village is less
than 30 m.
In the last 40 years, the former rural village which counted
approximately 3.000 residents in 1967 has transformed
into a high educated and well developed society with a lot of
self-established cultural institutions.
The people of Majdal Shams are proud of their remarkably
liberal and open-minded society. In the last five years the
young generation has established a small number of bars
on the western entrance of the village with weekly concerts
of local bands and musicians from Palestiner or abroad.

MAJDAL SHAMS
100

1.000 m
88
89
MAJDAL SHAMS
EIN KINYA
MAS‘ADA
BUQ‘ATA
0 5 10
20 km

MAJDAL SHAMS
BORDER SITUATION

90
91
MAJDAL SHAMS
MILITARY ROAD
200 METERS MINEFIELD
DANGER
MINES !
UNDOF

MAJDAL SHAMS
BORDER SITUATION
fig. 15 Israeli-Syrian border
Majdal Shams, Golan Heights
September 2012

92
93

POINTS OF CONTACT

94
95
The interrelation between the Jewish population and the
Golani Druze mostly occurs in the professional sector. The
private life instead takes place in Majdal Shams. Of course
there are some boys having their weekly ice hockey training
in Jewish Kiryat Shmona, Or families doing their weekend
shopping there, but the underlying tendency is rather reluctant.
A few years ago it was quite common that the young people
of the Druze villages once a month went to Kiryat Shmona’s
or Haifa’s discos in the weekend. But since the first bars
opened approximately five years ago in Majdal Shams, this
trend has almost disappeared, not at least because of the
regular discrimination they supposedly had to face in Israeli
establishments.
The Jewish society is approaching the Golani Arabs in a very
colonialist way. When not meeting them on a professional
basis, mostly in their own companies, the contact is more
or less reduced to “touristic” means, e.g. consuming some
special Arabic food or buying some homemade olives, pita
and cheese.
Nevertheless, we have to admit that, despite the fact that
the Israelis still are very clearly seen as the occupying
power, the people of Majdal Shams are no less welcoming
to them than to any other person. At the beginning of our
research when we were walking all day long through the
streets of Majdal Shams we were often mistaken for Israelis,
but everybody we met greeted us in Hebrew and was very
friendly and hospitable.

POINTS OF CONTACT
LIVING
LIVING
Europe
USSR (Russia)
INTERNATIONAL
USA
Kiryat
Shmona
settlement
GOLAN
ISRAEL
Syria
Haifa
settlement
Tel Aviv
settlement
Beer Sheva
settlement
Jerusalem
Eilat
Nabulus
STUDYING

96
97
Under normal circumstances young people born
in the periphery are attracted by the opportunities
and the vibrant life of the big cities...
... the youth of Majdal Shams does
not want to live in the Israeli cities.
Nor do they have the possibility
to easily move to the Syrian
metropolises.
The great majority of
the young and educated
people return to Majdal
Shams after they have
studied in Israel or
abroad.
ISRAEL
SYRIA

POINTS OF CONTACT
STUDYING
STUDYING
Europe
USSR (Russia)
INTERNATIONAL
USA
Kiryat
Shmona
settlement
GOLAN
ISRAEL
Syria
Haifa
settlement
Tel Aviv
settlement
Beer sheva
settlement
Jerusalem
Eilat
Nabulus
WORKING

98
99
The competition of Syria and Israel for the loyalty
of the Golan Druze generated a system of scholarships
and easier access to universities.
As a result, a society with an
unusually high percentage of
academics emerged.
U S S R
I S R A E L
$$
I A
S Y R
easier access
scholarschips

POINTS OF CONTACT
WORKING
WORKING
Europe
USSR (Russia)
INTERNATIONAL
USA
Kiryat
Shmona
settlement
GOLAN
ISRAEL
Syria
Haifa
settlement
Tel Aviv
settlement
Beer sheva
settlement
Jerusalem
Eilat
Nabulus

100
101
In contrast to Palestinians, Druze
can reach high positions in the
Israeli professional sector.
Despite their high education most
Druze are working as labourers in
Israeli construction, industrial or
agricultural businesses.
present
past
Isra eli Settle m e nt
F a r m
i n g
Self-sufficient
In d u stry
S ervice S ector
B u s
i n e s s
Tr a d e
+
Far ming

POINTS OF CONTACT
SPARE TIME
SPARE TIME
Europe
USSR (Russia)
INTERNATIONAL
USA
Kiryat
Shmona
settlement
GOLAN
ISRAEL
Syria
Haifa
settlement
Tel Aviv
settlement
Beer Sheva
settlement
Jerusalem
Eilat
Nabulus
LIVING

102
103
The discriminated group
tries to reduce its scope of
activities...
... and evolve into a society as
autarkic as possible.
WORKING
SHOPPING
PROFESSIONAL LEVEL
JEWISH SECTORMAJDAL SHAMS
LEISURE
VACATION

ISRAELI SETTLEMENT POLICY

104
105
Like in the West Bank and prior to 2005 also in Gaza, the
Israeli settlement policy in the Golan focuses on the exploitation
of natural resources and the spatial development of
settlements on the one hand and spatial limitations and
economic restrictions in the Arab sector on the other hand.
By today approximately 37 Jewish settlements have been
built on the Golan. They are home to approximately 18.000
Israelis whose number has almost reached the sum of the
indigenous Syrian Arabs living there. “In the occupied territories,
infrastructure and housing serve two purposes: to
annex more land and resources for Israel while simultaneously
excluding local residents.” 15 While the Jewish presence
grows, the freedom of action of the Arab society gets
minimized and their economic radius set within limits.
To attract Israeli citizens to the Golan Heights region, the
Israeli authorities provide a variety of incentives. People
establishing businesses receive special tax incentives, low
rents, lax enforcement of labour and environmental laws
and extra governmental support.
“... THE GOLAN HEIGHTS IS ENJOYING AN
UNPRECEDENTED DEVELOPMENT BOOM AND
HIGHLY GENEROUS INCENTIVES ARE OFFERED
TO POTENTIAL SETTLERS. JUST COME AND
SETTLE HERE! WHERE ELSE IN ISRAEL CAN
YOU RECEIVE THESE DAYS A PLOT OF LAND
FOR FREE?” 16 - Al Monitor - The Pulse of the Middle East -
- October 8, 2012 -
15 Molony, Stewart, Tuohy-Hamill. “From Settlement to Shelf: The Economic
Occupation of the Syrian Golan”. Al-Marsad - The Arab Centre for Human
Rights in the Occupied Syrian Golan. December 2009. 57.
16 Petersburg, O. “Israelis Moving to Golan Heights As Development Booms”.
Al Monitor - The Pulse of the Middle East. October 8, 2012. http://www.
al-monitor.com/pulse/business/2012/10/the-plot-of-land-is-for-free-tho.
html

ISRAELI SETTLEMENT POLICY
NEVE ATIV
Israeli moshav
21
Golan Heights, 2 km west of Majdal Shams
173 inhabitants (2005)
founded 1972
built in place of the destroyed Syrian village Jubata ez-Zeit
main industry: tourism
Neve Ativ’s administration border is almost two times bigger
than the one of Majdal Shams, although their inhabitants
amount to only approximately 2 % of the Arab village.
The families of Neve Ativ operate the only ski resort in Israel,
with up to 11.000 visitors per weekend during the winter
season between December and March. The ownership of the
resort is controversial because the moshav has no propriety
rights in the land but undertakes major efforts to exclude
anybody else from the business, especially the Arab
citizens of Majdal Shams.
21
moshav is a type of Israeli settlement, in particular a type of cooperative
agricultural community of individual farms pioneered by the
Labour Zionists. It is similar to a kibbutzim but with an emphasis
on community labor.
administrative boundary of Majdal Shams
village of Majdal Shams
administrative boundary of Neve Ativ
settlement of Neve Ativ
Mount Hermon ski resort

106
107
MAJDAL SHAMS
Majdal Shams and Neve Ativ fig. 16
Golan Heights
2012
0
1
2
5 km

ISRAELI SETTLEMENT POLICY
KIRYAT SHMONA
Israeli city
North District, 20 km west of Majdal Shams
23.100 inhabitants (2007)
founded 1949
built in place of the former Bedouin village Al-Khalisa
Kiryat Shmona is Israel’s northernmost city. It is located two
kilometres east of the Israel-Lebanon border. In Israel the
Jewish residents of a development area (the Occupied Palestinian
Territories) or a settlement which lies close to the
border or in the periphery far away from the country’s centre
receive tax deductions up to 13 %. Since 2010 this law
has also been applied to the Golan Heights. The indigenous
Syrian population continues to have to pay full taxes. The
law has the stipulation to be renewed every year. To date
the law remains in force and therewith it strengthens the
existence and expansion of illegal Jewish settlements and
the discriminatory policies against Arabs.
22
22
Russell, H. “Al-Marsad’s Position Paper on the Israeli Government’s
Decision to Relieve Illegal Jewish Settlers in the Occupied Syrian Golan
from Paying Tax”. February 15, 2010
Israeli state boundary
fig. 17 Kiryat Shmona
North Israel
2012
0
0,5
1 2 km

MAJDAL SHAMS
108
109
0
0,5
Majdal Shams fig. 18
Golan Heights
2012
1 2 km

ISRAELI SETTLEMENT POLICY
QAZRIN
Israeli settlement + local council
North District, 30 km south of Majdal Shams
6.600 inhabitants (2011)
founded 1977
built in place of the former Bedouin village Kisrin
Qazrin is the largest Jewish settlement in the Golan Heights
and is regarded as the “Capital of the Golan”. It serves as a
district town that provides educational, administrative and
cultural services to the surrounding region. Contrary to the
regional flat roof, the Israeli settlements adapted the western
style of red tiled pitched roofs. This architectural feature
also serves a military purpose as it makes Jewish settlements
easier identifiably from above.
area covered by buildings
fig. 19
Qazrin
Golan Heights
2012
0
250
500
1.000 m

MAJDAL SHAMS
110
111
Majdal Shams fig. 20
Golan Heights
2012
0
250
500
1.000 m

ISRAELI LAND POLICY

112
113
“IF THE ISRAELIS BUILD A NEW STREET, YOU
HAVE TO BE AFRAID THAT A NEW JEWISH
SETTLEMENT WILL FOLLOW.”
- Salman Fakhr al-Deen, Researcher at Al-Marsad -
- Majdal Shams -
In contrast to the Israeli settlements the spatial development
of the Syrian Arab villages is restricted either direct
through land confiscation or via the tool of urban planning.
With the aim to restrict, Israeli authorities declare land
neighbouring Arab villages as all kind of “zones” or “areas”.
As an example the hillside directly declining from the official
Israeli planning border in the North and West of Majdal
Shams is declared as a nature reserve which means any kind
of building or cultivating is strongly prohibited.
“Closed military zone” is another type of area which the Israelis
often use, to make the marked land unavailable for
the indigenous population which owned it originally. To trespass
or use this land is fined and in many cases the areas
are spread with mines.
Two closed military zones have also been established inside
the village of Majdal Shams. One on the previously under
used part of the villages graveyard is an Israeli military base
to observe the Syrian border. The other one just lies vacant
due to the mines which have been planted there.

fig. 21
Children playing in the snow next to a minefield
Majdal Shams, Golan Heights
December 2011
“The prevalence of Israeli mines around and throughout the
occupied Syrian Golan Heights continues to be a critical concern
for Golanis. [...] two mine fields are within 200 meters
of primary schools in Majdal al-Shams. [...]mines not only
continue to limit agricultural activities, but also surround
Golani neighbourhoods and thus present an immediate risk
to civilians, especially children who play in the area. [...] it
was reported that a mine had exploded on 27 January 2012
owing to heavy rains in the area. While private property was
destroyed, Israel did not respond to a request for compensation.
[...] Israel had adopted a national plan on mines. Yet,
in the occupied Syrian Golan Heights [...] Israel is not demining
areas near Golani neighbourhoods, but rather tourist
sites visited exclusively by Israelis.”
17
17 “Report of the Special Commitee to Investigate Israeli Practices...”, United
Nations General Assembly, 2012, 16.

114
115

fig. 22 Apple orchard in autumn
Majdal Shams, Golan Heights
September 2012

116
117
“THE ISRAELI ADMINISTRATION, THEY CLAIM
THAT EVEN HERE IN THE VILLAGE, SOME OF
THE LAND BELONGS TO THE STATE.” 18
According to Israeli authorities, all land on the Golan Heights
belongs to the state of Israel, except the property which
had been officially registered to private persons before the
outbreak of the 1967 war.
- Dr. Nazeh Brik, Architect and Urban Planner -
- Majdal Shams -
But the traditional land-holding system of the Syrian Arab
villages meant that one half of the land was collectively
owned by the villagers, while the other half was individually
owned. Prior to 1967, a large portion of this individuallyowned
land was not properly registered, and with the occupation
the opportunity to register land ended.
The collectively owned lands were sometimes rocky and
poor, and therefore used for grazing rather than cultivation.
Such lands were a prime target for confiscation by the Israelis
who declared it as “state land”.
In order to prevent the confiscation of their land the Druze
villages split their collective land amongst their inhabitants
and planted it with apple trees. The assumption was that
the more developed the land, the more difficult it would be
to confiscate. 19
18 Molony, Stewart, Tuohy-Hamill. 69
19 Golan for Development. “The occupied Syrian Golan”. http://www.jawlan.
org/english/openions/read_article.asp?catigory=13&source=3&link=8

fig. 23 Apple orchards with water tanks
Majdal Shams, Golan Heights
September 2012

118
119
The apple and the orchards have become a symbol for the
Golani Druze resistance against the Israeli occupying power.
Until today every family still possesses and cultivates an
apple plantation. But only the owner of more than 20 ha can
make a living from it. All the other villagers have become
part-time farmers and use the apples as an additional
source of income or for their personal consumption.
Furthermore, the fields are used for recreation. When the
weather is fine the Golanis spend their leisure time in the
gardens. Many of them have built sheds in which they use to
play cards, make music or set up barbecues. The sheds are
not only used for storing tools, they are rather serving as
small summer homes. This might be a relict from former
times when all villagers were farmers and used to stay on
the orchards with the whole family during the harvest.
Nowadays most of these tiny houses are built illegally due
to the fact that Israel prohibits their establishment in the
way the Arab population used to build them. Since the Israeli
occupation, the indigenous people are not allowed to
build in a massive construction method with stones or concrete
anymore. Instead they are supposed to build in a light
way with wooden material to prevent people using it for
sleeping there overnight.
The apple trees have saved many square meters of Golanese
land from being expropriated by the Israelis. But to
date land confiscations continue to take place. In the last
four to five years Israel has uprooted more than 10.000 apple
trees to transform into state land. When this happens
the Golani Druze go to the land collectively and replant the
trees as fast as possible.

URBAN PLANNING
“THERE ARE TWO WAYS THAT DEVELOPMENT
IS RESTRICTED. THE FIRST WAY IS THAT THEY
CONFISCATE LAND DIRECTLY, AND THE SEC-
OND THING IS THE VILLAGE BUILDING PLAN,
WHICH IS MADE BY THE AUTHORITIES [...].
THE MAIN STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE ARABS
AND ISRAEL IS WHO CONTROLS MORE LAND.
THIS IS THE MAIN POINT. ONE OF THE ISRAELI
SYSTEMS THAT THEY USE TO LIMIT ARABIC
SOCIETY DEVELOPMENT [...] IS URBAN PLAN-
NING. THEY USE IT AS A TOOL TO LIMIT THE
ARAB SOCIETY DEVELOPMENT IN THIS CASE.”
Israel as the occupying power uses urban planning as a
powerful political instrument to severely curtail the residential
development of the indigenous Arab civilization. The
development plan for Majdal Shams which the Israeli authorities
released in 1998 can be taken as a typical example for
the Israeli strategy.
ISRAELI SETTLEMENT

120
121
The old pristine houses of the village were one, maximum
two stories high. They were built of stone, clay, wood and
straw. Today most of the building heights range between
one and four stories, but also some five and six storey
houses do exist. The most used building material is concrete
with a natural stone cladding. Since the occupation
the village has grown rapidly without being able to widen its
boundaries as it once would have been necessary.
“...IF YOU COMPARE ISRAELI SETTLEMENTS
WITH ARAB RESIDENTIAL PLACES IS THAT
YOU SEE A BIG DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE
TWO SECTORS, BETWEEN THE ARAB SECTOR
AND THE JEWISH SETTLEMENT. THEY HAVE
LARGE PLACES, GREEN PLACES, BUT IN MA-
JDAL SHAMS FOR EXAMPLE IT IS HIGH DEN-
SITY, THE HOUSES ARE VERY CLOSE TO EACH
OTHER AND THERE ARE NO PARKS OR OPEN
PLACES.”
To address the issue of a growing village population the
Israeli plan suggests a vertical densification instead of
enlarging the ground area. It earmarks six stories for the
whole town of Majdal Shams except the zone directly next
to the border, where buildings in close proximity to the border
fence are only allowed to be built two stories high.
“IN ALL THE URBAN PLANNING MADE BY THE
STATE AND SOMETIMES PERMITTED BY THE
STATE, I NOTICE A SPECIAL ATTENTION TO
HIGH BUILDING. IN ALL THE ARAB PLACES,
THERE IS A HIGH DENSITY OF PEOPLE AND
INSTEAD OF ENLARGING THE SPACE OF THE
VILLAGE, THEY BUILD UPWARDS. WHAT IS
CALLED INTENSIVE BUILDING, HIGH DENSITY.
NOW THEY ALLOW IN MAJDAL SHAMS, SIX
STORIES, IN SPITE OF THE FACT THAT IT’S
NOT SUITABLE FOR THE LANDSCAPE OF MA-
JDAL SHAMS.”
- Dr. Nazeh Brik, Architect and Urban Planner - 20
- Majdal Shams -
ARAB VILLAGE
20 Molony, Stewart, Tuohy-Hamill. 68 - 70

DEVELOPMENT PLAN
MAJDAL SHAMS
1998
planning border
boundary nature reserve
residential building area A
residential building area B
sport
public building area
public green
public private green
commercial area
cemetery
drinking water pump
road service
existing street
residential street
planned street
special use (military)
invalid street
existing buildings (1998)
existing buildings (2012)

122
123
0 100 200
500 m

URBAN PLANNING
THE STRUGGLE FOR LAND

124
125
Since the indigenous population has been expropriated of
their own land, they are facing huge difficulties in purchasing
new land or receiving building permits. Due to the political
circumstances the people often feel like not having any
other opportunity than building without permission. Illegal
building is fined by the Israeli authorities with high fees for
each court proceeding or even the threat of destruction.
“SO YOU KNOW IF YOU WANT TO BUILD A
HOUSE YOU HAVE TO GET A PERMIT FROM THE
LAND AUTHORITY AND IT’S VERY, VERY DIF-
FICULT. YOU HAVE TO SIGN FOR THEM THAT
IT BELONGS TO ISRAEL. THEN THEY WILL
GIVE YOU A PERMIT. BUT A PERMIT DOESN’T
MEAN THAT IT BELONGS TO YOU, IT MEANS
YOU RENT THE BUILDING LAND FROM THE IS-
RAELI AUTHORITIES. AND THE PEOPLE, THEY
REFUSE THAT, MOST OF THE PEOPLE, BECAUSE
IT MEANS YOU KNOW, RECOGNITION, AC-
CEPTING THE OCCUPATION.” 23
- Dr. Nazeh Brik, Architect and Urban Planner -
- Majdal Shams -
Especially the young Golanis have an urgent need for available
building land. In the Arab tradition a house has to be
built before a marriage can take place. Traditionally the
groom provides the new home and the bride brings the interior.
Nowadays they often share the costs for both and if
a couple cannot afford it yet, they are living in an apartment
until they can cover the expenses for their own house.
“IF WE WANT MORE LAND, WE MUST BUY
IT OR RENT IN FROM THE ISRAELI AUTHORI-
TIES. AND WE CANNOT RECOGNIZE THE IS-
RAELI OCCUPATION. AND WE CANNOT BUY
OR RENT LAND FROM THE ISRAELIS BECAUSE
WE DON’T CONSIDER THEM THE OWNERS OF
THE LAND. HOW CAN WE RENT THE LAND OR
BUY IT FROM THOSE WHO DON’T OWN IT?
THIS IS A MORAL AND POLITICAL ISSUE. THEY
WILL NOT ALLOW US [TO BUY OR RENT THE
LAND]. AND EVEN IF THEY DID ALLOW US, WE
24
WOULDN’T ACCEPT IT, WE WOULDN’T DO IT.”
- Mufeed Al Wili, Al-Marsad affidavit -
- Buq’ata -
23 Molony, Stewart, Tuohy-Hamill. 69.
24 Ibid. 66.

AUTONOMOUS PLANNING

126
127
“THE ONLY LAW IN ISRAEL WHICH IS NOT
AGAINST ARABS, IS THE SEATBELT LAW.”
- Lawyer from Majdal Shams -
If one compares Arab and Jewish settlements in the whole
country of Israel and its occupied territories, it can be assumed
that Israel tries to keep the Arab villages and towns
as undeveloped and dependent as possible.
All infrastructure is only built for Israeli settlements and in
Israeli towns. All institutions are established in Israeli surroundings,
even if there exists a bigger Arab city in close
vicinity. The aim is to keep the control and to invest only in
the Jewish sector.
Due to the fact, that the Druze people on the Golan Heights
do not accept Israeli citizenship, they do not have the right
to vote. Also the major of Majdal Shams is not elected by the
inhabitants themselves, but deployed by the Israeli authorities
and therewith lacks the full acceptance of the people.
The citizens of Majdal Shams also share the conviction that
the Israeli state never does any planning or investment to
meet the needs of the Arab society. Against this backdrop
and the fundamental lack of any kind of development...
...THE GOLANI DRUZE COMMUNITY CAME TO A
TRADITION OF AUTONOMOUS, DEMOCRATIC
AND SELF-SUFFICIENT PLANNING.

AUTONOMOUS PLANNING
SEWAGE SYSTEM
In early 1982 the Golani Druze went on strike after their petition
for a reversal of the formal annexation of the Golan by
Israel on December 14, 1981. The strike last for six months
and crippled the industry in the North of Israel for several
weeks.
In response the Israeli army cut off the Druze villages from
one another by armed soldiers, denied contact to Israel and
the rest of the world, cut off electricity and water, placed
some village leaders under administrative detention and
destroyed several homes. However the Druze did not surrender.
During this turbulent period the inhabitants of Majdal
Shams did not only demonstrate several ways of nonviolent
resistance, they also took advantage of having spare time
at home and started to widen the streets, develop the cemetery
area and completed a major sewer project on which
funds and permits for installation had been refused by the
Israeli authorities for years.

efusal of work
nonviolent
resistance
demonstrations ...
money
manpower
1981 annexation of the Golan Heights
1982 strike
sewage system project
completion of a
cut-down version
at night
attempts to force
Israeli
citizenship
building freeze
declaration as illegal
sealing off
denial of contact
cut off
destruction
128
129
to Israel
+ world
electricity
water
administrative detention
of houses
legalization
maintenance with
public funds
“It was winter time and the lack of a sewage system meant
the village was very dirty. We established a committee to
discuss the issue and we decided to construct a sewage
system in the village. We did a general study to evaluate the
project and we found that to make this project work ever
house had to pay $200 and contribute four work days to
the project. If people cannot work they could contribute $50
instead of the four days. On many occasions people ended
up working more time than was required of them and many
of the big machines, the tractors and so on worked for free.
Also there were a lot of cases where people couldn’t pay the
money so they worked instead. Before the end of the strike
the project was completed with the money that we had. [...]
a lot of the poorer families who couldn’t pay had promised
to pay in the future but it was decided by the committee
to forget the issue because the project was completed.” 25
- Jameel Awad, Al-Marsad Affidavit -
- Majdal Shams -
Shortly after the villagers had started their construction
work for the sewage system, the Israeli army officer in
charge declared their work as illegal and forced them to
stop. Thereupon the work was done at night in a cut-down
version. Until nowadays the village uses this very sewage
system but after Israeli legalization it has been maintained
by the municipality with public Israeli funds.
25 Molony, Stewart, Tuohy-Hamill. 30, 31.

AUTONOMOUS PLANNING
MEDICAL CENTER
When Israel annexed the Golan Heights in 1981, the Arab
population of the Golan realized that they had to face a long
term occupation. Coming to this conclusion, some Golanis
started to change their strategy of demonstrating only to a
more active way of resistance by finding methods to develope
their own society.
The GfD conducted a comprehensive survey to detect the
most pressing needs of the Druze population. Very poor
health conditions such as in Majdal Shams where one physician
served 8.000 people, provoked the organisation to
establish a 24 hour health clinic as their first social improvement.
In 1991 the local non-profit organization Golan for Development
of the Arab Villages (GfD) was founded in Majdal
Shams. The aim of the organization is to establish a „selfreliant
and democratic modern society in the Golan as a way
of resisting the occupational policy“. That means providing
alternative services to the Arab population than those offered
by the Israeli authority. To become more independent
from the occupational power it was very important to establish
a self organized platform which enabled the development
of plans and strategies to satisfy the needs of the
population.
In the first phase of finding an appropriate place for realizing
this ambitious goal, the NGO was already hindered by the Israeli
authority. After various harassments towards private
individuals of the organisation and those citizens who were
willing to support them, GfD found a family-less ex-prisoner
upon whom Israel could not impose enough pressure, to
rent a room for the clinic on his private property.
With donations and voluntary labour by the locals, and financial
support by foreign organisations, the 24 hour clinic
was established in 1993. To create a continuous cash flow, a
private health insurance was founded in which every member
had to pay $15 per month to receive full medical care
in return.
As Israel realized that the clinic proved to be successful
they changed their repressive tactic and established instead
a government clinic in 1996 to surpass the Arab one
and poach patients away. The benefit for the population
was great, going from almost no medical supply to two clinics
in a very short time.

130
131
Initiator: Golan for Development (NGO)
health
insurance
15$/month/person
donations
location
donations
voluntary labour
survey
poor health conditions
1993 24h clinic established
Integration
1997
High Standard Medical Supply
+
powerful voice in negotiating
with the Israeli health insurance
companies
personal threatening of activists + supporters
governmental
24h clinic
established
1995 National Health Insurance Law
2006
governmental 24h clinic
closed
1996
The Israeli attempt to regain the control over the medical
infrastructure failed and due to the inability to compete
with the loyalty of the Druze patients and the economic advantage
of their voluntary work in their own medical centre,
prompting the governmental clinic to close ten years later
in 2006.
Presently the management of the Medical Center holds a
powerful voice in negotiating with the insurance companies
as they act as a mediator between them and the Druze population
of approximately 20.000 people. Today many medics
from the Golan are working all over Israel and therewith a
lively exchange on professional level has begun.
After the Knesset passed the „Israeli National Health Insurance
Law“ in 1995, two years later also the Druze had
to join the mandatory Israeli health insurance and the 24
hour clinic got integrated in the national health system
and started to cooperate with Israeli insurance companies.
Besides the Medical Center with around 80 employees in
all four Druze villages, the GfD has also founded several
institutions such as a kindergarten, a theatre and a music
school. The organisation also organizes activities for women
and offers agricultural outreach services for farmers.

1311
AUTONOMOUS PLANNING
BUILDING ON THE WAQF
1425
797
400
1372
1380
1367
797
650
1330
1357
1322
1311
According to Nazeh Brik the Israeli development plan for
Majdal Shams does not consider the real Arab ownership
structure of the land in any way. Areas marked as public
green are private property and planned streets are cutting
through private plots. When the plan was published 850 inhabitants
of Majdal Shams filed a complaint. The young generation
in particular criticized the fact that no new building
areas were declared.
To address this issue, the civil community of Majdal Shams
gathered in a plenary meeting in 2009. The assembly decision
was to reclaim approximately 3.000 dunums 26 of land
from the mountainside in the North of the village. The land
had been used as waqf 27 before the Israelis expropriated it
and declared it to be a nature reserve.
797
900
1410
1440
1394
1405
1385
Five representatives of the religious community and five of
the secular population got elected and they commissioned
local experts to work out an alternative development plan
for the reclaimed area. All people involved in the planning
process worked voluntarily or for a minimum salary to support
the community’s aim.
1352
1313
1342
1333
1326
1312
1346
1339
1337
1334
During the planning process several feedback meetings
were held to inform the population and at the end, approximately
1.200 new parcels were distributed among
1317
1330
26 1 dunam = 1.000 sqm
27 waqf = community land

132
133
voluntary
labour
850 private complaints
population growth
new building land
needed
2002 plenary meeting
alternative masterplan
development
plan
6 storeys + no new building land
1998
$3.000 $500 advanced payment
1 new building plot / family
voluntary labour
2011 1 st construction phase building freeze temporary arrests +
interrogations + personal threatening
negotiations
legalization
public funds for infrastructure
the young generation. Each family received one plot for
a symbolic prize of $3.000 with an advanced payment of
$500 to finance the utilization of the site by levelling the
prospective roads.
A camp was established on site to ensure the continuous
presence of villagers and after two month of preparative
road construction in 2011, Israel interfered and stopped
the work in its first phase. The responsible persons were
temporarily arrested and interrogated.
Israel acted as foreseen and according to the people of
Majdal Shams an important goal is reached: with the road
levelling facts are accomplished and Israel has been forced
to join negotiations about the shortage of building land. If
Israel should accept the alternative development plan designed
by the civil society of Majdal Shams and would legalize
it, the state would have to co-finance the set up of
the infrastructure which will be very expensive due to the
topography with up to 70% slope.
Both the public funds and Israel’s approach to physically
interfere had been foreseen in the planning since the beginning
because otherwise neither the negotiations about the
land issue would ever happen nor could the project be fully
financed by the private people of Majdal Shams themselves.

ALTERNATIVE DEVELOPMENT PLAN
MAJDAL SHAMS
planning border official plan
boundary nature reserve
private parcel
public building area
public green
street
residential street
crossroad
existing buildings (2012)

42
3 3
15
213
2 2
6
134
135
0 100 200
500 m

ECONOMIC OCCUPATION
fig. 24
Market seller and his stand
close to Mas’ada, Golan Heights
September 2012

136
137
“... THEY [THE ISRAELIS] CONTROL THE SKY
AND THE LAND, BUT OUR LANDS ARE STILL
OURS. THEY DID TRY ON DIFFERENT OCCA-
SIONS TO CONFISCATE OUR LAND BUT THEY
FAILED. SO THEY HAVE BEGUN COMPETING
WITH US BY GROWING THE SAME PRODUCTS
AS US.” 28 - Hayil and Samar Abu Jabal, Al-Marsad affidavit -
- Majdal Shams -
The construction of Israeli settlements in the occupied
territories is widely viewed as the main stumbling block to
peace in the region. As long as the settlements continue to
be built and Israel establishes further facts on the ground,
the economic exploitation of natural resources and discriminatory
policies continue to affect the economic wellbeing of
the indigenous Arab population.
The Israeli companies in the Golan range from small businesses
which serve the settlements, to large factories
which export their products to the global market, in particular
to Europe and the United States. Since the occupation
began, Israel has instituted many policies to exclude
the indigenous population from many of their local private
economies such as livestock rearing. At the same time, Israel
monopolises control over the natural resources of the
region. As in the occupied Palestinian Territories, this has
resulted in the exploitation of the local population, who
often have no choice but to engage in the construction of
settlements or work on settlement farms due to a lack of
alternative employment. The thriving economy of the Israeli
settlements is made possible by policies and practices
which remove competition with the local Arab farmers and
distribute vital resources in an inequitable manner, stunting
the growth of the local Arab economy.
28 Molony, Stewart, Tuohy-Hamill. 50.

Prior to the 1967 war, the inhabitants of the Golan had an
economy based primarily on agriculture and livestock, with
62% of the workforce engaged in this sector. The industrial
sector was less developed, accounting for 20% of workers.
fig. 25
Apple Crossing
Al Qunaitra Checkpoint
March 2, 2010
Many of the Arab residents in the Golan lost up to half their
29
agricultural land following the occupation. As a result of
land expropriation, the production of field crops and dairy
products was irrevocably damaged and disappeared completely.
The Arab population of the Golan was then forced to
depend on Israeli agricultural products and settlement
products, in particular dairy products.
30
29 “The occupied Syrian Golan: Background” Al-Marsad - The Arab Center for
Human Rights in the Occupied Syrian Golan. 2005. 13.
30 Ibid. 14.

138
139
“AT THE BEGINNING OF THE OCCUPATION,
IN BUQ’ATA, THERE WERE FOUR THOUSAND
GOATS AND SHEEP. NOW, 42 YEARS LATER
[2009], THERE ARE THREE HUNDRED HEADS...
IN A BIGGER SOCIETY, WE HAVE LESS. IT
MAKES THE GOLAN CONNECTED, IN THE ISSUE
OF MILS AND MEAT, TO THE ISRAELI MARKET.
THE MAIN REASON FOR THIS [DECREASE IN
GRAZING] IS THE CONFISCATION OF LAND
AROUND THE VILLAGE OF BUQ’ATA FOR THE
SETTLERS, AND THE BORDER, THE CEASEFIRE
LINE ALSO, AND THE MINES. BUQ’ATA IS SUR-
ROUNDED BY MINES AT THREE SIDES. ONE OF
THE GRAZING AREAS WAS USED FOR THIS
PURPOSE. THE REST WAS TAKEN TO BE USED
FOR THE SETTLERS’ AGRICULTURE.
THE PLACES WE USED TO GRAZE OUR FLOCKS
BECAME AGRICULTURAL FIELDS FOR THE SET-
TLERS. WHAT WE HAVE LEFT IS ONLY THE
FOREST OF MAS’ADA... THE NATURE RESER-
VATION AUTHORITY IN ISRAEL DECLARED
THAT THE PRESENCE OF THE SHEEP AND
GOATS IN THE FOREST IS HARMFUL.
THEY TRIED TO STOP THIS ECONOMIC ACTIV-
ITY IN DIFFERENT WAYS... BY CONFISCATING
THE FLOCKS AND SELLING THEM FOR THE
BENEFIT OF THE STATE OF ISRAEL. THEY DID
THIS THREE TIMES. THEY BROUGHT TRUCKS
AND THE ARMY AND THEY CONFISCATED THE
FLOCKS. THEY TOOK THEM. [...]
ALSO, IN MANY CASES THE PEOPLE HAD
TO PAY TAXES OR PUNISHMENTS [FINES]
BECAUSE IT COSTS THE STATE MONEY TO
BRING TRUCKS, TO BRING ARMY, TO BRING
LABOUR... YOU HAVE TO FINANCE YOUR CON-
FISCATION.” 31 - Mufeed Al Wili, Al-Marsad affidavit -
- Buq’ata -
31 Molony, Stewart, Tuohy-Hamill. 62, 63.

“ONE DUNUM OF APPLES, TO YIELD A GOOD
PRODUCT, IT NEEDS 700 - 800 M 3 [OF WA-
TER] PER YEAR. WHAT THEY [THE WATER
COMPANY] OFFERS US, IS 300 M 3 ... ALSO,
THE PRICE OF THE WATER, WE PAY BETWEEN
3,80 AND 4,00 NIS PER CUBIC METRE, THE
32, 33
SETTLERS PAY 1,80 TO 1,90 NIS.”
- Mufeed Al Wili, Al-Marsad affidavit -
Due to the facts that the Druze villagers were curtailed in
their economy of livestock rearing and that they had planted
almost all their land with apple trees to prevent an Israeli
confiscation, their agricultural activities came to be
based almost exclusively on apples.
Another important issue which limited the local Arab farm-
fig. 26
Apple stand
- Buq’ata -
ers in the Golan in the type of crops they could grow, were
Majdal Shams, Golan Heights
the Israeli imposed water restrictions. Those restrictions
September 2012
are still in force.
32 1 EUR = 4,78 NIS (New Israeli Shekel; March 19, 2013)
33 Ibid. 73.

140
141
In light of the scarcity of water resources in the Middle East,
the Golan is of extreme strategic importance. Shortly after
the occupation began, the Israeli authorities implemented
numerous policies to control the water resources of the region.
Those policies severely affected the supply of water to the
indigenous Syrian population and on the same time led to
great benefits for the Israeli settlers. The native Syrian inhabitants
were forbidden from accessing or utilising the
water for agricultural purposes. In contrast, unlimited
amounts of water were provided to the settlements at a
low cost.
All water resources in the region are considered to be the
property of the Israeli state. The water of Lake Ram for example,
which has always been the main source for irrigation
in the Northern Golan, is piped to Jewish settlements 70 km
34
away, while the Arab locals in direct vicinity have only limited
access.
34 Golan for Development, “The occupied Syrian Golan”

fig. 27 Easten part of Majdal Shams with the Israeli military post
Majdal Shams, Golan Heights
September 2012

142
143
The local population undertook economic projects to ensure
their access to water in spite of the occupation. They
changed their traditional irrigation system to a new modern
one in 1974 and erected approximately 650 iron tanks in
their apple orchards to store water, collect rainwater and to
fill the tanks with snow in winter. The Israeli authorities opposed
heavy fines on the farmers and destroyed several
tanks. Israel claims that all water resources - even rainwater
belongs to the state.
“IN THE 1980S... PEOPLE STARTED TO BUILD
METAL WATER COLLECTORS FOR ABOUT 700-
800 M 3 PER YEAR... IT WAS VERY EXPEN-
SIVE. THE PEOPLE HAD TROUBLE WITH THE
AUTHORITIES HERE, THE ISRAELI AUTHORI-
TIES. THEY WANTED A LICENCE TO BUILD
THESE TANKS. FOR THEM [THE AUTHORI-
TIES], IT WAS IMPORTANT TO HAVE A COUN-
TER ON EVERY TANK, TO COUNT HOW MUCH
WATER YOU ARE USING AND TO PAY TO THE
AUTHORITIES FOR THE WATER COLLECTED.
SO IT WAS A LONG CONFLICT BETWEEN THE
AUTHORITIES AND THE PEOPLE HERE, AND
AT THE END, THEY REACHED A COMPROMISE.
NO COUNTERS, NO METERS TO COUNT THE
WATER THAT YOU ARE COLLECTING FROM
THE RAIN, BUT THE PEOPLE HAD TO HAVE A
LICENCE FOR THE TANKS.” 35
- Shhady Nasralla, Al-Marsad affidavit -
- Majdal Shams -
35 Molony, Stewart, Tuohy-Hamill. 79.

THE VALLEY OF TEARS
UNDOF OBSERVATION POST
200 METERS MINEFIELD
BORDER FENCE
SHOUTING HILL
VALLEY OF TEARS
fig. 28
View from Majdal Shams to Syria
Majdal Shams, Golan Heights
September 2012

ISRAELI MILITARY BASE
144
145

fig. 29 Woman, megaphone & binoculars
Majdal Shams - Valley of Tears, Golan Heights
Mother’s Day, March 21, 2010

146
147
When the border was drawn in 1967 and the Israeli authorities
segregated the Golan from Syria many people found
themselves separated from their families and their homes
either in Syria or on the Golan Heights. All means of communication
between those remaining in the Occupied Golan and
those on Syrian proper were broken down and prohibited.
After some time the Syrian people were given the opportunity
to apply for family reunification. For those applications
that were successful family members either returned to the
Occupied Golan or had members of their family join them in
Syria. For those moving from Syria to the Golan Heights it
was under condition that it was a “one way ticket”. In recent
years family reunifications have been stalled for all Arabs
in Israel and the Occupied Territories, including the Golan.
To ease the pain of being separated from the loved ones and
to send a political sign to the governments of Syria and Israel
some Druze on the Syrian side of the border built themselves
a second home within eyeshot from Majdal Shams.
Those houses are frequently used as weekend or holiday
residences.
In Majdal Shams there are several plots of land lying fallow
which are belonging to those people living in Syria. Their
relatives are taking care of the land and it is out of question
that another villager claims the land - despite the urgent
need for land to build on.
Due to the fact that Israel and Syria are still in an official
state of war, there is no mail service between the two
states. The only possibility to transfer official papers such
as birth, death and marriage certificates or property documents
is via the ICRC - International Committee of the Red
Cross. They also provide personal mail exchange through
the Red Cross Messages.

fig. 30 Women using contruction tools
Majdal Shams - Valley of Tears, Golan Heights
Mother’s Day, March 21, 2010

148
149
In 1974, following the 1973 Arab-Israeli War, a disengagement
agreement was made between Syria and Israel in
which a DMZ (Demilitarized Zone) was set up between the
two states and family members from both sides were able
to meet at the ceasefire line fence.
“WE WERE ABLE TO TOUCH AND TALK TO
EACH OTHER. THIS CONTINUED UNTIL THE IS-
RAELI ARMY KIDNAPPED ONE PERSON.” 36
- Kamal Maziad Abu Saleh, Al-Marsad affidavit -
- Majdal Shams - family separation 53
Following this incident an area of 200 meters was marked
out by Israel with the use of fencing and landmines on Syrian
side. This area has become known as the Valley of Tears. The
families from both sides met there and communicated over
the distance with the aid of megaphones and binoculars. On
the Syrian side a platform, the so called Shouting Hill, was
established and the people on the Golanese side used to
stand in the eastern elevated part of Majdal Shams close to
the border fence. Villagers of Majdal Shams reported that it
happened that Israeli soldiers turned on sirens to disturb
the conversations between the families and drove along the
middle of the Valley of Tears using their vehicles to create
dust to reduce the visibility.
With the advent of modern communication systems such as
telephone and home access to the internet, people these
days are able to communicate in a more comfortable way.
But the meetings at the Valley of Tears have been a long
standing tradition and also if the regularity of such meetings
have decreased, they still continue on special occasions
and where families are required to arrange marriages
and funerals.
36 Russel, H. ”Breaking Down the Fence...” 53.

05 MAJDAL SHAMS
150
151
Majdal Shams 2012
Historical Development 1968-2012
Population
Family-Clans
Urban Analysis
Green + Topography
Building Utilization
Building Heights
Road Network
Building Activity
Public Buildings
Village Centres
Walking Plan
Open Space
Spacial Limitations

MAJDAL SHAMS 2012
“... FOR EXAMPLE IF YOU TAKE MAJDAL
SHAMS, FROM THE EAST SIDE, THE HOUSES
THEY ARE CLOSE TO THE BORDER [...]. AND
FROM THE WEST, YOU HAVE THE MAIN
STREET TO THE HERMON, WHICH IS A MILI-
TARY STREET. SO WE ARE CLOSED FROM
ALL SIDES. FROM THE NORTH YOU SEE THE
HERMON MOUNTAIN AND THE HARD TOPOG-
RAPHY. IN THE BEGINNING, THE DISTRIBU-
TION WAS FROM INSIDE TO OUTSIDE. BUT
WE REACH A POINT WHERE WE HAVE TO GO
BACK INSIDE. TWENTY YEARS BEFORE, WE
HAD PUBLIC SPACES INSIDE, BUT BECAUSE WE
DON’T HAVE PLACES TO BUILD THEY HAD TO
USE THESE PUBLIC PLACES FOR RESIDENTIAL
BUILDING. AND THIS PROCESS YOU CAN SEE
IN ALL THE ARAB RESIDENTIAL AREAS, EVEN
INSIDE ISRAEL, THE SAME PROCESS.” 37
- Dr. Nazeh Brik, Architect and Urban Planner -
- Majdal Shams -
37 Molony, Stewart, Tuohy-Hamill. “From Settlement to Shelf: The Economic
Occupation of the Syrian Golan”. Al-Marsad - The Arab Centre for Human
Rights in the Occupied Syrian Golan. December 2009. 68.

152
153
0 100
500
Majdal Shams fig. 31
Golan Heights
2012
1.000 m

MAJDAL SHAMS 2012
fig. 32 Majdal Shams viewed from south
Golan Heights
September 2012

154
155

POPULATION
AGED 0-19 YEARS
APPROXIMATELY 38% OF THE PEOPLE
LIVING IN MAJDAL SHAMS ARE YOUNG-
ER THAN 19 YEARS. (2008) 38
>> KINDERGARTEN >> HOME
CHILDREN
Children are barely seen outdoors in Majdal Shams. Besides
those in the kindergarten, there are no playgrounds existing
in the village. Due to the high traffic and the minefields
most parents are afraid of allowing their children to play
outside unattended.
>> HOME >> BARS + CAFÉS
>> APPLE FIELDS >> CARS
>> REHEARSAL ROOM
YOUNG PEOPLE
The young people in Majdal Shams often meet with their
friends at home. Since the first bars and cafés opened
around 2008 they are also frequented every day, mostly in
the evening. A lot of the youth play an instrument and some
even founded bands with whom they are practicing in a rehearsal
room in the industrial zone or at home. It is visibly
apparent that many young people own a motor vehicle like
cars, motorcycles or quads, which they use to drive through
the village. The absence of those in the age for studying is
noticeable.
38 CBS - Central Bureau of Statistics. “Population and households in localities
with 5.000 residents and over”. Population Census 2008”. Table 1.21.

156
157
Little child sitting on a balcony
fig.
Majdal Shams, Golan Heights
September 2012
Young people having dinner at home fig. 34
Majdal Shams, Golan Heights

POPULATION
AGED 20-64 YEARS
APPROXIMATELY 55% OF THE PEOPLE
LIVING IN MAJDAL SHAMS ARE BE-
TWEEN 20 AND 64 YEARS OLD. (2008) 39
>> HOME >> APPLE FIELDS
>> STREET >> BARS + CAFÉS
>> COMMUNITY CENTRE >> SHOPS
>> RELIGIOUS CENTRE >> “MEN’S CLUBS”
MEN
The men meet mostly without women. They come together
to play cards in the garden sheds or to discuss in the cafés
and bars. One man who lives close to the main square established
a small meeting room in the ground floor of his
house where men use to sit, smoke and drink coffee.
>> HOME >> STREET
>> NEIGHBOURHOOD >> FITNESS CLUB
WOMEN
The women mostly visit each other at home. They usually
drink mate tea and discuss the news, some even started
to learn English together. Many women are housewives who
are taking care of the family and work only in the apple
fields in the season. If the women have a regular employment,
they are mostly working in Majdal Shams. For shopping
many drive once a week to Jewish Kiryat Shmona.
39 Ibid.

158
159
Men playing cards in a garden shed fig. 35
Majdal Shams, Golan Heights
September 2012
Woman preparing mate tea fig. 36
Golan Heights

POPULATION
AGED 65 + YEARS
APPROXIMATELY 7% OF THE PEOPLE
LIVING IN MAJDAL SHAMS ARE OLDER
THAN 65 YEARS. (2008) 40
>> HOME >> GARDEN
>> NEIGHBOURHOOD
ELDERLY WOMEN
The elderly women of Majdal Shams mostly stay at home or
visit with their neighbours. Many women meet regularly to
bake the traditional bread in groups of two or three. The
tradition of family members building next to each other
leads to the fact that elderly are never living alone. Due to
the steep topography, the chaotic traffic situation and the
lack of public transport, elderly woman are restricted in
their mobility and depend on their descendants.
>> HOME >> STREET
>> COMMUNITY CENTRE >> SHOPS
>> RELIGIOUS CENTRE >> “MEN’S CLUBS”
ELDERLY MEN
The elderly men of Majdal Shams can often be seen sitting in
front of shops or their homes on plastic chairs, talking and
drinking tea or coffee. Many of them are religious and thus
spent their time in the religious centre or the community
centre. Most of them barely ever leave Majdal Shams. As almost
all of them used to be farmers they are often the ones
taking care of the apple orchards
40 Ibid.

160
161
Women baking bread fig. 37
Majdal Shams, Golan Heights
September 2012
Men talking on the street fig. 38
Majdal Shams, Golan Heights
September 2012

FAMILY-CLANS
fig. 39
Piled-up homes
Majdal Shams, Golan Heights
September 2012

162
163
„I WANT TO HEAR MY GRANDSON WALKING
OVER.“
- saying in Majdal Shams -
The four biggest families which are represented today in
Majdal Shams and their estimated number of members.
ABU SALEH 3.000
IBRAHIM 2.000
SAFADI 2.500
MAHMOUD 2.000
In former times each family dominated a neighbourhood in
the village. Due to the spatial limitations Majdal Shams has
faced in terms of growth, today the families are mixed in
the urban pattern.
The tradition to either build a house next to one’s parents
on the family’s land or to add another floor on top of the
parents house is still common. The undeveloped plots
around a family’s home are always reserved for the sons
and grandsons to build their house there. If a daughter gets
married, she always moves to her husband’s house next to
his parents.

FAMILY-CLANS
GRANDSON 03
GRANDSON 01
GRANDSON 02
SON 01
SON 02
SON 03
DAUGHTER

Bruder Brik
164
165
Safadi
Brik
Ibrahim
Shams
Abu Saleh
Abu Jabal
Mahmud
0 100 200
500 m

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT
1968 - 2012
1968
1971
1976
1983
1989
1998
2012

166
167
0 100 200
500 m

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT
1968
ca. 3.000 INHABITANTS
HIGH SCHOOL
ELEMENTARY SCHOOL
KINDERGARTEN
MEDICAL CENTRE
COMMUNITY CENTRE (RELIGIOUS)
RELIGIOUS CENTRE
MUSEUM
THEATRE
$
MUSIC SCHOOL
ART CENTRE
INDUSTRIAL ZONE
BANK
HOTEL
RESTAURANT
CAFÉ + BAR
SHOP
1968
1971
1976
1983
1989
1998
2012

168
169
0 100 200
500 m

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT
1971
HIGH SCHOOL
ELEMENTARY SCHOOL
KINDERGARTEN
MEDICAL CENTRE
COMMUNITY CENTRE (RELIGIOUS)
RELIGIOUS CENTRE
MUSEUM
THEATRE
$
MUSIC SCHOOL
ART CENTre
INDUSTRIAL ZONE
BANK
HOTEL
RESTAURANT
CAFÉ + BAR
SHOP
1968
1971
1976
1983
1989
1998
2012

170
171
0 100 200
500 m

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT
1976
HIGH SCHOOL
ELEMENTARY SCHOOL
KINDERGARTEN
MEDICAL CENTRE
COMMUNITY CENTRE (RELIGIOUS)
RELIGIOUS CENTRE
MUSEUM
THEATRE
$
MUSIC SCHOOL
ART CENTRE
INDUSTRIAL ZONE
BANK
HOTEL
RESTAURANT
CAFÉ + BAR
SHOP
1968
1971
1976
1983
1989
1998
2012

172
173
0 100 200
500 m

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT
1983
ca. 5.200 INHABITANTS
HIGH SCHOOL
ELEMENTARY SCHOOL
KINDERGARTEN
MEDICAL CENTRE
COMMUNITY CENTRE (RELIGIOUS)
RELIGIOUS CENTRE
MUSEUM
THEATRE
$
MUSIC SCHOOL
ART CENTRE
INDUSTRIAL ZONE
BANK
HOTEL
RESTAURANT
CAFÉ + BAR
SHOP
1968
1971
1976
1983
1989
1998
2012

174
175
0 100 200
500 m

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT
1989
HIGH SCHOOL
ELEMENTARY SCHOOL
KINDERGARTEN
MEDICAL CENTRE
COMMUNITY CENTRE (RELIGIOUS)
RELIGIOUS CENTRE
MUSEUM
THEATRE
$
MUSIC SCHOOL
ART CENTRE
INDUSTRIAL ZONE
BANK
HOTEL
RESTAURANT
CAFÉ + BAR
SHOP
1968
1971
1976
1983
1989
1998
2012

176
177
0 100 200
500 m

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT
1998
ca. 8.000 INHABITANTS
HIGH SCHOOL
ELEMENTARY SCHOOL
KINDERGARTEN
MEDICAL CENTRE
COMMUNITY CENTRE (RELIGIOUS)
RELIGIOUS CENTRE
MUSEUM
THEATRE
$
MUSIC SCHOOL
ART CENTRE
INDUSTRIAL ZONE
BANK
HOTEL
RESTAURANT
CAFÉ + BAR
SHOP
1968
1971
1976
1983
1989
1998
2012

178
179
0 100 200
500 m

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT
2012
ca. 10.000 INHABITANTS
HIGH SCHOOL
ELEMENTARY SCHOOL
KINDERGARTEN
MEDICAL CENTRE
COMMUNITY CENTRE (RELIGIOUS)
RELIGIOUS CENTRE
MUSEUM
THEATRE
$
MUSIC SCHOOL
ART CENTRE
INDUSTRIAL ZONE
BANK
HOTEL
RESTAURANT
CAFÉ + BAR
SHOP
1968
1971
1976
1983
1989
1998
2012

180
181
0 100 200
500 m

fig. 40 Threshing grain
Majdal Shams, Golan Heights
before 1967

182
183
TODAYS SCHOOLYARD
TODAYS ISRAELI MILITARY BASE

GREEN + TOPOGRAPHY
soccer field
apple orchard

184
185
0 100 200
500 m

autohändler
tankstelle
BUILDING UTILIZATION
living
shop / workshop / office
public use
gastronomy
hotel

186
187
0 100 200
500 m

BUILDING HEIGHTS
1
2
3
4
5
6

Privat
188
189
0 100 200
500 m

fig. 41 Majdal Shams viewed from east to west
Golan Heights
September 2012

190
191

BUILDING ACTIVITY
new construction
building extension
construction land

192
193
0 100 200
500 m

PUBLIC BUILDINGS
1
RELIGIOUS CENTRE
existed since the beginning and has always been
part of the village’s centre
10
11
POST
BANK 1968
2
COMMUNITY CENTRE 2002
12
MEDICAL CENTRE 1993
the old elementary school on site was demolished
MUSIC SCHOOL 1998
3
MUNICIPALITY
THEATRE 2004
mayor is assigned by Israel, not elected by the inhab-
all established by the local organization Golan for
itants of Majdal Shams
Development of the Arab Villages
4
SOCIAL WELFARE OFFICE
13
DENTAL CENTRE
5
HIGH SCHOOL 1991
in 1968 the Druze community established a High
School in Mas’ada; before the occupation all pupils
14
15
HISTORICAL MUSEUM 2009
ART CENTRE 2004
went to the High School in Al-Qunaitra
Fateh Mudarris Centre for Arts and Culture
6
MIDDLE SCHOOL 1967
16
AL-MARSAD 2003
paid and built by the people of Majdal Shams
The Arab Centre for Human Rights in the Golan
7
ELEMENTARY SCHOOL 1951
paid and built by the people of Majdal Shams
17
Heights, local NGO
FOOTBALL CLUB
8
KINDERGARTEN 1984
all kindergartens are established and run privately
9
COLLEGE EDUCATIONAL COURSES
5
established by the inhabitants of Majdal Shams
established by the Israeli authority

194
195
1
15
3
2
8
13
14
10
16
11
8
12
8
8
6
17
10
7
9
4
0 100 200
500 m

VILLAGE CENTRES
Mt. Hermon (military road)
TOURIST CENTRE
main road
Israeli public transport (bus line - established 2012)
Kiryat Shmona

196
197
HISTORICAL CENTRE
COMMUNITY CENTRE
BUSINESS CENTRE
Mas‘ada
0 100 200
500 m

ROAD NETWORK
main road
secondary road
tertiary road

198
199
0 100 200
500 m

WALKING PLAN
3
3
minutes to walk downhill
minutes to walk uphill
junction

200
201
6
7
6
3
5
2
6
6
3
4
4
0 100 200
500 m

OPEN SPACE
open space
developed area / street

202
203
0 100 200
500 m

OPEN SPACE
fig. 42
Land awaiting its owner to return from Syria
Majdal Shams, Golan Heights
September 2012

204
205
There are only a few larger open spaces left in the village of
Majdal Shams. Almost all of them are private land awaiting
construction.
In consideration of the fact that in a few years the children
will need a place to build a house on or the true owner of the
land is staying in Syria those plots are laying idle. No cultivation
or any kind of temporary use or activity is happening
there.

SPATIAL LIMITATIONS
nature reserve
steep topography
minefield
Israeli military post
apple orchards
border
military road
official planning border

206
207
0 100 200
500 m

SPATIAL LIMITATIONS
THE TOPOGRAPHY
≤ 70%
Majdal Shams is situated on the foothill of Mount Hermon.
The topography in the north of the village is extremely
steep and the maximum slope can reach as much as 70 %.
To construct houses in this area is very expensive and a
huge effort has to be made to prepare the building plots.
THE BORDER
The fence which separates the Golan from the UNDOF and
Syrian proper forms an absolute border to the villages expansion
in the east. Before the Israeli occupation the inhabitants
of Majdal Shams used to have fields, grazing land and
orchards all around their village. Since the war in 1967 all
the land which lies in the east is cut off from their access.

208
209
THE APPLE ORCHARDS
Traditionally the Syrian people on the Golan are farmers.
Since the Israeli occupation began, their agricultural economy
is almost exclusively based on apples. Every family has
an own orchard but nowadays only those owning more than
approximately 20 hectares can make a living out of it.
But to cultivate the land and keep up the tradition of apple
growing is important for the local people to preserve their
identity. The orchards have become a symbol for the Druze
non-violent resistance against the Israeli occupying power,
since the military confiscates every piece of land which is
not constantly in use. Furthermore, the apple plantations
are the recreation area for the inhabitants of the Syrian
Golanese villages. In summer many families spend their time
in the arbours.

SPATIAL LIMITATIONS
THE NATURE RESERVE
The area directly behind the official planning border of Majdal
Shams in the north of the village, is declared as a nature
reserve by the Israeli authorities. It is a common Israeli
method to restrict the expansion of Arab settlements by
the declaration of all kind of zones and areas which prohibit
building.
THE MILITARY ROAD
In the west the growth of Majdal Shams is limited by the
military road which has been built by the Israelis and leads
to IDF bases on upper Mount Hermon. In winter the street is
also used by numerous tourist who are visiting the Mount
Hermon ski resort, the only area for skiing in the whole of
Israel. During the season the villagers of put up little market
stands on the roadside to sell self-made products or
snacks like labanee, pita, pickles, olive oil, tea and coffee
to the people in the line of cars. The inhabitants of Majdal
Shams are not allowed to build west of the military road, the
only building which has been established here is the village’s
high school which the Israelis built in 1991.

210
211
THE MINEFIELDS
Within the village of Majdal Shams there are two existing
minefields. One surrounds the Israeli military base in the
eastern part of the village, the other one is further south.
The people owning the adjacent plots build up walls behind
their houses to protect themselves against the shifting
mines. The minefields are an extremely dangerous daily
threat to the people, especially children who are playing.
ISRAELI MILITARY POST
On top of a hill in the east of Majdal Shams, close to the border
to Syria lies the Israeli military post. It has been established
shortly after the beginning of the Israeli occupation
in 1967 as one of many posts to observe the Syrian border.
The ground it is build on has been confiscated by the IDF
- before it was part of the village’s cemetery. The military
post is securely fenced with barbed wire and surrounded
by a minefield. Twenty-four hours a day the Israeli military
is present and the feeling of being watched is a daily experience.

06 THE FUTURE
212
213
Potentials + Weaknesses of Majdal Shams
Future Scenarios Israel
Development Directions Majdal Shams
Scenario Majdal Shams 2040
Politics: Israel Restrictive
Politics: Israel Liberal
General Scope of Action
Worst Cases Majdal Shams
Best Cases Majdal Shams

POTENTIALS + WEAKNESSES
MAJDAL SHAMS
Israeli planning institutions
conflict of
landownership
a basic requirement for planning is lacking
do not consider the
needs of the Arab inhabitants
urban planning
as an instrument
of Israeli land policy
the mayor
of Majdal Shams is appointed
by the Israeli authorities
POTENTIALS
>> identification with the region >> social cohesion within the Druze society >> grass root democracy:
decisions are made democratically and collectively >> innovative ideas of individuals are
accepted and imitated within the society >> creative talent and spirit of the young generation >>
evolvement of a modern society through an atypical high percentage of well educated inhabitants

214
215
conflict of
landownership
a basic requirement for planning is lacking
Syrian Arab community does not recognize the Israeli authority
no public
property
all land is privately owned
informal building
>> the habit to act and plan collectively only evokes in an acute situation of shortage >> the inhabitants
of Majdal Shams do not have any vision for the future development of their village >> rural
behaviour patterns in an urban structure >> private property has a greater importance than public
space >> private needs and behaviour patterns are not linked with their spatial consequences
WEAKNESSES

FUTURE SCENARIOS ISRAEL
DEVELOPMENT DIRECTIONS MAJDAL SHAMS
Israel - scenario 1
THE FIRST SCENARIO IS BASED ON THE ASSUMPTION THAT THE ARAB-ISRAELI CONFLICT CON-
TINUES TO PREVAIL ON THE POLITICAL AGENDA AND THAT, THEREFORE, THE ANTAGONISM BETWEEN
THE JEWISH MAJORITY AND THE PALESTINIAN MINORITY IN ISRAEL FURTHER DETERIORATES. THIS
WOULD THEN LEAD TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A QUASI-DICTATORSHIP OF JEWS OVER ARABS,
THEREBY UNDERMINING THE DEMOCRATIC CHARACTER OF THE STATE.
Israel - scenario 2
THE SECOND SCENARIO ASSUMES A RELAXATION OF THE EXTERNAL CONFLICT AND INSTEAD
AN INCREASING CONFRONTATION BETWEEN SECULAR AND RELIGIOUS JEWS OVER WHICH
DIRECTION THE STATE SHOULD TAKE. THIS CONFRONTATION WOULD BRING ABOUT A COALITION
BETWEEN THE JEWISH SECULAR AND THE ARAB SECTOR OF SOCIETY VIS-À-VIS A NATIONALIST
JEWISH CAMP CONSISTING OF RIGHTIST AND ORTHODOX GROUPS. THE RESULT OF THIS CONFRONTA-
TION WOULD BE THE INCREASING CHALLENGE TO THE JEWISH CHARACTER OF THE STATE.
dependent
Israel - scenario 3
THE VERY CHARACTER OF THE STATE COULD COME UNDER SIEGE, ASSUMING THAT A RELAXATION
OF THE EXTERNAL TENSIONS AND INCREASING INTERNAL CONFLICTS BETWEEN SECULARS,
RELIGIOUS AND ARABS WOULD LEAD TO THE DE FACTO BREAK-UP OF THE STATE IN THREE AU-
TONOMOUS UNITS.
Israel - scenario 4
THE SCENARIO-GROUP DEVELOPED ONLY ONE POSITIVE SCENARIO, WHILE AT THE SAME TIME STRESS-
ING THE POINT THAT ITS REALISATION DEPENDS UPON THE WILLINGNESS OF ALL MAJOR SO-
CIETAL GROUPS TO COMMUNICATE WITH EACH OTHER AND TO ACCEPT COMPROMISES. THE
FOURTH SCENARIO ASSUMES THAT THE DIFFERENT GROUPS CAN AGREE ON A NEW CONSENSUS
OR ‘SOCIAL CONTRACT’ FOR ISRAELI SOCIETY. THAT WOULD RE-ESTABLISH THE AUTHORITY OF
THE STATE AS SUCH AND CONSOLIDATE BOTH ITS JEWISH AND ITS DEMOCRATIC FOUNDATIONS.

216
217
restrictive
REFUGEE CAMP
Majdal
Shams
AUTARCHY
independent
RURAL EXODUS
INDEPENDENT CITY
liberal
Presumed directions of development for the village of Majdal
Shams. The assumptions are based on the results of an international
workshop entitled “Israel in the Year 2025 - Scenarios
of the Future Development”. The workshop was held
between January 1999 and June 2000 by the Friedrich-
Ebert-Stiftung. An international team of renowned experts
was brought together to discuss and formulate realistic
future scenarios for the state of Israel. 41
41 Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung “Israel im Jahre 2025 - Szenarien der zukünftigen
Entwicklung”.

SCENARIO MAJDAL SHAMS 2040
POSSIBLE DEVELOPMENT WITHOUT INTERFERENCE restrictive Israeli policy
2015 2020 2025 2030 2035
2040
In the year 2040 the Golan Heights are still occupied by Israel
and a return to it’s motherland Syria is uncertain. The
Israeli political front is dominated by the ultra right parties
and Syria has gradually recovered from the civil war and it’s
subsequent fragmentation. The Arab population in Israel is
confronted with restrictions and discriminations in all aspects
of life. After protests by Majdal Shams citizens rose,
the Israeli authorities responded their actual request for
more building land with the concession of a small additional
piece of land to prevent an escalation.
Over the years the number of students in the Golan Druze
society has decreased to a very small amount due to strong
constrains in the freedom of movement, a restricted access
to Israeli universities and the not yet reactivation of Syrian
scholarships for the Druze.
Due to the discriminatory policy the connection with the
Jewish economical, social and cultural sector drops to a
minimum. The four Druze villages on the Golan are economically
and socially isolated from Israeli affluent society.
The cohesion within the community is very tight but the
extremely oppressing political situation has started to
paralyse common actions. Furthermore the importance of
tradition and religion has risen and the population of Majdal
Shams has grown due to an increased birth rate alongside
with a low migration.

218
219
}
>> external political circumstances
>> traditional values
>> identity as a Druze community
social
cohesion
>> cultural institutions
>> community institutions
>> migration
}>> resident structure
>> external political circumstances
>> inner acceptance of the occupation
>> generation shift
}
interrelation
}
>> economic situation (income)
>> assimilation of life- + building-style
>> culture
>> fluctuation/migartion
>> women’s education
>> traditional values of the society
>> selection of partners
>> economical circumstance
}
birthrate
}
>> population
>> birthrate
>> fluctuation
}
population
}
>> building density
>> urban/rural structures
>> importance of the settlement
>> job market
>> attractiveness of the city
>> cultural offering
>> collective identity
}
migration
}
>> population
>> vacancy
>> social cohesion
>> external political decisions
}
building area
}
>> density of the settlement
>> building typology

SCENARIO MAJDAL SHAMS 2040
POSSIBLE DEVELOPMENT WITHOUT INTERFERENCE liberal Israeli policy
2015 2020 2025 2030 2035
2040
In the year 2040 the Golan Heights are still occupied by Israel
and a return to it’s motherland Syria has receded into
the distance. The Israeli political front is dominated by the
left liberal parties and Syria has gradually recovered from
the civil war and it’s subsequent fragmentation.
The Israeli society has emerged to a democracy with no discrimination
towards minorities and hence the citizens of Majdal
Shams have received the authorization to build outside
the borders of the 1999 drafted development plan. Furthermore
the two minefields and the military base inside the
village have been cleared and prepared as new building land.
The relation to the Jewish population improved steadily and
is based on a tight-knitted network in the professional sector
as well as on personal level.
The perceived identity of being Druze and Syrian has lost
importance in the younger generations and therefrom the
social cohesion in the Druze community has suffered which
supports a migration of the young and creative to the bigger
Israeli cities.
The birth rate has fallen since many women decide to study
or work and combined with the increased migration Majdal
Shams has to face the fade of a shrinking and ageing society.
The village lacks it’s former importance for the Druze
society and first houses fell vacant.

220
221
}
>> external political circumstances
>> traditional values
>> identity as a Druze community
}
>> external political circumstances
>> inner acceptance of the occupation
>> generation shift
social
cohesion
interrelation
>> cultural institutions
>> community institutions
>> migration
}>> resident structure
}
>> economic situation (income)
>> assimilation of life- + building-style
>> culture
>> fluctuation/migartion
>> women’s education
>> traditional values of the society
>> selection of partners
}
birthrate
}
>> population
>> economical circumstance
>> birthrate
>> fluctuation
}
population
}
>> building density
>> urban/rural structures
>> importance of the settlement
>> job market
>> attractiveness of the city
>> cultural offering
>> collective identity
}
migration
}
>> population
>> vacancy
>> social cohesion
>> external political decisions
}
building area
}
>> density of the settlement
>> building typology

GENERAL SCOPE OF ACTION
FOR THE COMMUNITY OF MAJDAL SHAMS
development
transport
green
public space
culture + community
supply

222
223
extensive/unplanned densification
planned densification
vacancy
liberal
restrictive
sharing system / public transportation
private car
no car
liberal
restrictive
no green
green roof
public green
liberal
restrictive
no public space
alternative shared space
public space
liberal
restrictive
no cultural + communal institutions
informal cultural + communal institutions
cultural + communal institutions
liberal
restrictive
external supply
self-sufficiency
equitable trade
liberal
restrictive

WORST CASES
MAJDAL SHAMS
liberal
Israeli policy
The Israeli politics turned liberal and thus there is no discrimination
against minorities but the inner conflict between
the orthodox Jews and the secular population grew.
Also in Majdal Shams the gap between the religious and
the secular community widened. In contrast the relation
between Druze and Jews improved and thereof the inner
cohesion especially in the younger generation suffered.
restrictive
Israeli policy
The Israeli policy continues to be restrictive and is dominated
by the ultra right parties. The Arab population has
to face apartheid policies with numerous discriminations
in their everyday life. The four Druze villages on the Golan
Heights are economically and socially isolated from the Israeli
affluent society and those Druze people holding high
positions in the Israeli economy lost their jobs due to the
ongoing discrimination. The only jobs available for Arabs

224
225
All people are working in the Israeli sector, the agricultural
activities in Majdal Shams came to a standstill and thereby
the tradition to produce certain groceries as olive oil, bread
and cheese at home got lost. All products get bought in
the more inexpensive malls in the close by Israeli cities and
most of the local small scale businesses had to shut down.
Due to the geographical location of Majdal Shams and the
grown acceptance of the occupying situation, many people
chose to move to more central places. The increased migration
caused partial vacancy in the village which accelerated
over the years. The former active cultural scene and liveliness
in the community declined. Majdal Shams gets involved
in the global trend of rural exodus and overpopulation of
the urban regions.
are in the unprofessional or lower employment sector. This
negative development has caused an intensified migration
of intellectuals to foreign countries. The population turns
back to traditional and religious values whilst the level of
education decreases due to restricted access to Israeli educational
institutions. A revival of a classic role models within
the family led to an increasing number of births and therewith
intensified the problem of lacking space. The common
way of building fastened the extensive densification of the
village. Every piece of land is developed for residential purposes
and no green or public spaces are existing. Almost all
cultural institutions closed due to a lack of space and financial
resources and all means of supply are imported from
Israel. No own structures have been developed to allow
self-sufficiency. The overall circumstances of Majdal Shams
approach the situation of a Palestinian refugee camp.

BEST CASES
MAJDAL SHAMS
liberal
Israeli policy
The Israeli politics turned liberal and thus there is no discrimination
against minorities but the inner conflict between
orthodox Jews and the secular population grew. In
contrast to Majdal Shams where the inhabitants have preserved
their inner cohesion through the establishment and
activation of communal facilities. Caused by the intensive
exchange within the community, cultural values and the
restrictive
Israeli policy
The Israeli policy continued to be restrictive and is dominated
by the ultra right parties. The Arab population has to
face apartheid policies in their everyday life. The four Druze
villages on the Golan are economically and socially isolated
from the Israeli affluent society and those Druze holding
high positions in the Israeli economy lost their jobs due to
the ongoing discrimination. With the increase of unemploy-

226
227
collective identity have maintained the strong linkage of the
inhabitants with their home village. Those people working
in Israel are still living in Majdal Shams but to deal with the
problematic traffic situation, shared systems for private
mobility have been invented. The relation between Druze
and Jews improved especially in the economic sector and
therewith more self-dependent businesses could emerge.
The existing cultural institutions have been maintained and
new ones established. Thereby the attractiveness and liveliness
of Majdal Shams improved and an urban axis along
the main street developed. The approval of additional building
land has stopped the ongoing densification. The quality
of urban live has improved through the establishment of
greenery on unbuild places inside the village. Majdal Shams
has evolved to a well known place in the region which also
tourist like to visit.
ment self-organized structures evolved in Majdal Shams.
Based on the example of the former existing cooperatives
the villagers developed a local food supply with the establishment
of small scale agriculture in alternative spaces.
In addition the people took advantage of the global media
network to access the international service sector independent
from Israel. To handle the ongoing densification
of the village the community released an informal masterplan
which organizes the private building activity. Central
undeveloped land is preserved for public institutions and
community space. New housing typologies get introduced
such as apartment housing and lodging. The unstructured
density of present village is transformed into an urban
structure with appealing spacial qualities.

07 CONCLUSION
To conclude our analysis about urban planning under occupation
in the case of Majdal Shams we would like to sum up
all aspects we consider as important for a future development
of the village.
The greatest potential we would like to point out, is the inner
cohesion of the Golan Druze society and how it enables
grass root democratic planning processes.
The political situation in Israel forces the Arab population to
develop informal planning structures because the official
Israeli planning authorities are supporting political interests
of the state. Master- and land-use-plans for Arab settlements
mirror the agenda of inequality.
In the case of Majdal Shams the autonomous planning focuses
on the satisfaction of immediate needs such as medical
supply or education facilities. To date we feel these developed
structures not being exploited to their maximum
benefit. Due to the increasing densification and it’s subsequent
problems it is of essential importance for the future
development of Majdal Shams to apply those planning methods
to a larger scale. A future vision for the village is strongly
required to avoid an infrastructural collapse. This vision
has to be developed by the inhabitants themselves under
the supervision of local professionals.
In our opinion it is of vital importance to elaborate a masterplan
for the existing village development especially the central
area to structure the private residential building activity
and to preserve land for public use. In Majdal Shams the
main difficulty of urban planning is based on the fact that all
land is privately owned and therewith the conflict of personal
interest and public concerns exists.
For the further development of Majdal Shams it is imperative
to intensify the awareness of each citizen for the impact his
own behaviour and building activity has on the spacial conditions
of the village and therewith on the quality of living.
Due to the very uncertain politic future of the Golan Heights
it is essential for the community of Majdal Shams to maintain
and develop their independent structures in the fields
of micro businesses, supply and culture.
Yalla...

08 BIBLIOGRAPHY +
TABLE OF FIGURES
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Interviews
During our research stay in Majdal Shams we conducted
several informal interviews with people living in
Majdal Shams. The informations we gained throughout
those talks are not documented and thus do appear in
the analysis without a listed source.
8 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/UNDOF
9, 15, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28, 32, 33, 35, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42
own photograph (2012)
13, 14
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