SIGNS IN SOCIETY - STIBA Malang
SIGNS IN SOCIETY - STIBA Malang
SIGNS IN SOCIETY - STIBA Malang
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lyz I Social Theory and Social Action Comparison, Pragmatics, and Interpretation I J73<br />
On the other hand, it may well turn out, as Griffiths (1989:527-29) argues,<br />
that it is in the nature of philosophical reasoning to exist in a relatively decontextualized<br />
state, that is, not dependent upon cultural traditions, so that religious<br />
discourse responds to metaphysical commitments but not vice versa. This reversed<br />
causality would suggest research into the impact of philosophical discourse<br />
on religious traditions, along dimensions such as systematization (e.g., promoting<br />
local typologies of traditions in India), rationalization (e.g., the increasing attention<br />
to exegetical rules and interpretive principles in religious contexts), and regimentation<br />
(i.e., the development of official, standardized, or codified norms of<br />
religious practice, feeling, and expression). Of particular interest here would be<br />
to study changes in religious traditions across shifts in philosophical worldviews.<br />
Second, in my opinion the comparative philosophy of religion needs to bepreeminence.<br />
12 Many centuries later one commentator counters the possible implication<br />
that members of the priestly or brahmanic caste might undertake different<br />
occupational activities by framing the mantra with the question about a<br />
hypothetical circumstance: what can priests legitimately do during a famine? An<br />
even later commentary continues this theme by adding the idea that the mantra<br />
was actually uttered "during" a drought, thus removing the text from its previous<br />
ritual context. In the first of these commentaries the performative force of<br />
the mantra is undermined by the process of literalizing the contextual presuppositions<br />
of the text; in the second, performativity is reintroduced when the commentator<br />
notes that the mantra is performed by priests who, having been forced<br />
into unbrahmanic labors, utter it to purify themselves. Finally, the diverse social<br />
roles mentioned in the Vedic mantra receive official codification in the Laws of<br />
Manu. Operating at a tangent to these legitimizing commentaries, however, are<br />
other occurrences of the theme of the "myth of exigency" in folklore and epic,<br />
which, as Patton argues, reverse the officializing tendency by narrating instances<br />
where other castes, even untouchables, can act toward the goal of ending the<br />
drought. As this case makes clear, the Indian tradition must be seen as a fundamentally<br />
diachronic (Vedic and post-Vedic) and essentially intertextual (mantra,<br />
commentary, statute, folktale, epic) field of interpretation.<br />
Finally, Al-Azmeh's (1994) analysis of the hermeneutical parallels in medieval<br />
Arabic thought between the fields of religion and jurisprudence provides an<br />
excellent example of the linkage among practical reason, comparison, and interpretation.<br />
Theological interpretation is grounded in a genealogical typology<br />
whereby historical events are rendered significant by being considered replicas or<br />
simulacra of archetypal foundational acts; thus, chronological time is subsumed<br />
by salvation history in such a way as to deny the contingency, randomness,<br />
chaos, and uniqueness of instances, which are all brought into identity through<br />
their being performative results of the original types (Burkhalter 1985:245). In<br />
jurisprudence, the relationship between religious textual precedent and consequent<br />
legal judgment is, likewise, viewed as one of causal iconicity; and in situations<br />
where the particular case is not transparently assimilable under an explicit<br />
Koranic passage, a mechanism of analogy intervenes as an interpretive tool to<br />
"extend the purview of nomothetic discourse to previously uncharted domains"<br />
(Al-Azmeh 1986:87). The indexical ground of the analogical correlation of textual<br />
authority and particular judgment is not, however, located in either natural<br />
law or social convention, since only God's wisdom knows the causal relation<br />
between the two and since only God's command has true juridical force:<br />
Having no compelling necessity, the concordance of the one with the other,<br />
and the compulsion of the index linking the two in an analogical relation, is a<br />
matter which lies beyond rational certainty, but is guaranteed by the authority<br />
of the text and its hermeneutician. The final arbiter who decrees the ineffable<br />
to be operative is therefore equally the final cause of this decree; and the concordance<br />
which assures the assonance of humanity and divinity and thus<br />
evades the horrors of infernal eternity is one whose custodian is the authority<br />
that decrees it. (Al-Azmeh 1986:91—92)<br />
A consequence of these principles is that identical legal postulates found in non-<br />
Islamic cultures, or in Arabic societies prior to Islam, are by definition invalidated.<br />
In other words, a hermeneutic of total encompassment correlates with a<br />
comparative stance of radical exclusivism.<br />
Directions for Future Research<br />
By way of conclusion I point to two issues, one substantive and the other<br />
methodological, which might serve as a challenge for future research in the comparative<br />
philosophy of religion. After a careful review of the articles in the three<br />
edited volumes in this series, I think that more systematic attention needs to be<br />
directed to the bicausal relationship between philosophical discourse and the cultural<br />
traditions in which that discourse emerges. On the one hand, the surrounding<br />
tradition can provide an overarching, general ideology that influences the<br />
character of philosophical reasoning, as in the effect of evolutionary (if not imperialistic)<br />
ideologies on Hegel's typology of religions. Or, the existing social order<br />
might provide a foundation for intellectuals in certain social roles to think in<br />
similar ways, as in Humphreys' (1975:112) linkage of philosophies of transcendence<br />
and interstitial and solidary intellectuals, and as in J. Z. Smith's<br />
(1987:293) correlation of local notions of ritual as exact repetition with the social<br />
context of archaic urban elites. Or, there may be a patterned relationship<br />
between the predominance of implicit metapragmatic discourse and the nonscriptural<br />
basis of the religious tradition, and inversely, the development of explicit<br />
metapragmatics might correlate with scriptural literacy (Gellner 1988:75).<br />
One might, in this way, juxtapose the metapragmatic devices of the Bimin-<br />
Kuskusmin with the textually highlighted metapragmatic distinction between<br />
commonplace yet instructional language and abstract yet direct language in the<br />
Buddhist thinker Gurulogomi discussed by Hallisey.