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SIGNS IN SOCIETY - STIBA Malang

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Introduction<br />

<strong>IN</strong> REFLECT<strong>IN</strong>G BACK on the monuments of its intellectual heritage, modern semiotic<br />

anthropology gazes upon the twin peaks of Charles Sanders Peirce, the<br />

American scientist and mathematician, and Ferdinand de Saussure, the Swiss linguist.<br />

Among the many ironies of this dual heritage is a disjunction in the work<br />

of these theorists between the nature of the facts they proposed to explain and<br />

the potential of the analytical tools they developed. Peirce, in seeking to account<br />

for the homologous character of physical and mental realities, developed semiotic<br />

tools (especially his notions of indexical signs and chain-like semiosis) that have<br />

proved powerful for research into social, historical, and cultural phenomena, the<br />

study of which, for the most part, remained only an avocation for Peirce himself.<br />

Saussure, while attempting to justify historical linguistics by seeing language as<br />

part of the "life of signs in society" (1974:1.48), produced the framework for a<br />

linguistic theory that removes language from its social embeddedness. It is this<br />

disjunction that motivated me to title this collection of semiotic studies Signs<br />

Society, for I follow Saussure in taking systems of signs as the data I am interested<br />

in explaining and yet I rely on Peirce for many specific analytical distinctions.<br />

Anthropologists, at least in this country, have generally tended to see in<br />

Peirce's semiotics rather than in Saussure's semiology a suitable analog for the<br />

conditions and practice of fieldwork in other cultures. As in field research where<br />

the ethnographer tries to make sense of the sign systems of another culture<br />

through intense, often trying, interpretive abductions, so in Peirce's theory the<br />

meaning of a sign consists of the unforeseen succession of interpreting signs that<br />

serve to represent a common object (Daniel 1984:4z). Peirce offers the possibility<br />

that meaning is more than an operation of mental decoding, since semiosis is<br />

an open-ended process in which each moment of interpretation alters the field<br />

for subsequent interpretations. In contrast, Saussure's theory focuses on the preestablished,<br />

fixed code shared equally by ideal speaker and ideal hearer (Ponzio<br />

1984:274—75). And Saussure's effort to establish linguistic value without taking ,<br />

into account positive semantic meaning, the context of utterance, or worldly ref-<br />

erence is countered by Peirce's close attention to the indexical anchoring of prop- \<br />

ositional reference and to the necessity of adequation between representation and<br />

reality (Steiner 1981:421).<br />

in<br />

j<br />

j<br />

At the level of the rhetoric of theory, Saussure's reliance on dichotomous opxiii

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