SIGNS IN SOCIETY - STIBA Malang

6z I Signs in Ethnographic Context
Transactional Symbolism in Belauan Mortuary Rites I 63
Danks 1892:350). Having successfully captured the ghost, the ti bundle would
be quickly transferred to the gravesite, where it would be placed on top of a
bamboo pole covered with the deceased's clothing, carrying basket, and specially
prepared food (kallel a deleb), spiritual images of which would accompany the
ghost's final journey to Ngeaur. The silence of the mourning period would suddenly
be broken with loud shrieks, which would send the ghost on its way (Kubary
19003:46). 17
Keate (1788:163-64) records 3 slightly different form of divination
after death, one which employs coconut shells, betelnut leaves, and
turmeric.
Previous to their departure, the next morning, for the King's island, Rechucher
took Mr. Sharp and the boatswain to a house not far distant from the place
where his son had been interred the preceeding evening; there was only an old
woman in the house when they went in, who, on receiving some order from
the General, immediately disappeared, and soon after returned with two old
coconuts, and a bundle of betelnut with the leaves; she also brought some red
ochre [tutmeric]. He took up one of the coconuts, crossing it with the ochre
transversely; then placed it on the ground by his side. After sitting very pensive,
he repeated something to himself, which our people conceived was a kind of
prayer, as he appeared a good deal agitated; he then did the same thing by the
second coconut, and afterwards crossed the bunch of betelnut, and sat pensively
over it; this done, he called the old woman and delivered her the two
nuts, and the bundle of betelnut, accompanied with some directions.
I did not observe any of these divinatory activities in Ngeremlengui, and my impression
is that only the name, sis, remains as a clue to the original meaning of
this day's activities.
More in keeping with earlier customs, however, is the ceremony of laying
stones or pouring cement on the grave. Given the exigencies of the modern work
week, the combined sis and omengades
rites usually take place on the weekend
following the funeral. This rapid scheduling has upset one of the former meanings
of omengades, since formerly this rite signaled the end of the period of confinement
for the close female mourners. For 3 high-ranking individual the rite could
be delayed 3S much 3s a hundred days, but today these mourners, keeping with
the original intent of this custom, continue their confinement well beyond the
paving of the grave. The labor itself is the responsibility of members of the local
men's club, and other mourners in fact rarely accompany them to the cemetery.
The kin of the deceased contribute a pig so that the men's club can enjoy a feast
after their job is completed.
But, as in the earlier part of the funeral, a complex of food preparation and
reciprocal prestations of various sorts are the focus of attention in the village.
Three transactions merit particular attention: (1) the exchange of funeral mats
among kin, (2) the payment of funeral goods to the spouses of men, and (3) the
transmission of maternal gifts to the children of the deceased.
The previous discussion of the role of funeral mats as providing a multilayered
protection between the dangerous corpse and living relatives did not sufficiently
emphasize a complementary function, namely, the role of these mats 3s
the material embodiment of kinship sentiment. I think that these two symbolic
aspects work together, since the strength of mats as a protecting medium is proportional
to the strength of the feelings sedimented in them. And at the occasion
of sis-omengades these same mats are exchanged (olteboid er a badek, or more
simply, omadek)
in a chiasmic pattern so that mats from children on the husband's
side are presented to the deceased woman and then passed on to this
woman's brothers' children; reciprocally, mats from these latter children are presented
to the deceased and then transmitted to the children of the widowed husband.
Funeral mats, thus, pass not only across generations but also across the
affinal tie. The point, however, is to emphasize the affective continuity
the deceased
through
of these potentially factional social relationships. This pattern of
reciprocity also reinforces the sentiment that consanguineal links to the deceased
transcend, at least momentarily, the more fractious reality of the affinal division
(cf. Traube 1986:211).
AU mats are not alike. The largest, most expensive mats pass from the senior
daughter of the couple to the senior daughter of the oldest brother of the deceased
wife. These costly ones are placed inside the coffin, although people say that the
reciprocal distribution of the smaller mats is necessary simply because they could
not also fit inside. In addition, mats are exchanged between women of the
same generational stratum; for example, the husband's sister and the wife's
sister exchange mats. Small mats are also presented to the visiting mourners, especially
to those who brought food and funeral goods to the previous week's
ritual.
Mats are brought to the funeral by female mourners, the children [of the deceased],
and some of their relatives. In addition, people from Oreor village who
were not able to attend the funeral send mats by other people. These are all
distributed to membets of the household of Tabliual. But there are also people
in the village who have "paths" [of relationship] to this house, and so they are
distributed to them, too. This is a very costly custom. And when there is another
funeral, these people who took the mats home with them will reciprocate
(omtechei), and so the mats will come back again. (F)
Presentation of mats (badek) is, in addition, a way women honor those who have
raised their children. Two patterns common in Ngeremlengui are for grandparents
to raise their grandchildren and for sisters to raise each others' children. 18
The natural parents prepare a mat bundle in the name of their child and present
it at the funeral of the child's mother. This is done partly to thank the mother
for her childrearing efforts and partly to ensure that the child will be included in
the group called "children of the house" (ngalek er a blai), who stand to receive
portions of the inheritance.