SIGNS IN SOCIETY - STIBA Malang
SIGNS IN SOCIETY - STIBA Malang
SIGNS IN SOCIETY - STIBA Malang
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viii I Contents<br />
Part III Comparative Perspectives on Complex Semiotic Processes 99<br />
Tropical Semiotics<br />
Levels of Semiosis<br />
IOI<br />
Collectivizing and Differentiating Symbolization 104<br />
Convention and Innateness 106<br />
Obviational Exchange<br />
Tropes and Narrative 113<br />
Foi Cultural Semiotics 120<br />
The Semiotic Regimentation of Social Life 125<br />
Social Action and Semiotic Text 12.5<br />
Context and Type in Ritual Performativity 128<br />
Institutional Regimentation of Touristic Experience 134<br />
Ideological Regimentation in Advertising 142<br />
Part IV Social Theory and Social Action 157<br />
Comparison, Pragmatics, and Interpretation 159<br />
Models and Strategies of Comparison 159<br />
Comparative Philosophy of Religion as a Discipline 165<br />
Comparison and Interpretation as Practical Reason 167<br />
Directions for Future Research 173<br />
Naturalization of Convention 175<br />
Arbitrariness and Motivation 175<br />
Naturalization in Social Theory i 7<br />
8<br />
Naturalization and Conventionalization in Social Reality 185<br />
Conclusion 191<br />
Notes 193<br />
References 199<br />
Index 220<br />
IOI<br />
n o<br />
Acknowledgments<br />
IWOULD LIKETO thank Tom Kirsch, who advised my first foray into semiotic<br />
anthropology in an undergraduate reading course at Princeton University in<br />
1969—70. Subsequent course work with Steve Barnett, Vincent Crapanzano,<br />
Mark Leone, Alfonso Ortiz, and Martin Silverman provided the impetus for my<br />
graduate studies and professional research in anthropology. The initial opportunity<br />
to carry out research on Peircean semiotics was provided by a postdoctoral<br />
fellowship (1981—82) at the Center for Psychosocial Studies in Chicago. In addition,<br />
the Center helped to fund my field research in Belau (1978—80), provided<br />
support during a sabbatical leave (1986), and sponsored many of the conferences<br />
where the chapters in this book were first presented. "Signs at the Center" would<br />
have been an equally appropriate title for this book. To Bernard Weissbourd and<br />
Ben Lee I extend my thanks.<br />
That I still acknowledge the powerful influence of Michae} Silverstein more<br />
than ten years after I ceased being his student is testimony both to the continuing<br />
relevance of my educational experience in his classes at the University of Chicago<br />
and to the constantly expanding corpus of his publications. All eight of the chapters<br />
as well as the overall organization of the volume are indebted to his pioneering<br />
efforts in anthropological linguistics and semiotically informed social theory.<br />
He has provided oral responses or written comments on most of the chapters in<br />
this book. Specifically, I acknowledge the importance of his work on the pragmatic<br />
codes of culture, on the contrast between explicit and implicit<br />
metapragmatics, on the .limits to semiotic awareness, and on metasemiotic regimentation.<br />
In the years that I have been working in the area of semiotic anthropology I<br />
have benefited from the insight, advice, conversation, and criticism of friends and<br />
colleagues in several disciplines who have been my "universe of discourse": Jim<br />
Collins, Craig Davis, Judy Irvine, Naomi Janowitz, Don Joralemon, Ben Lee,<br />
Laurie Lucking, John Lucy, Nina Kammerer, Beth Mertz, David Murray, Bob<br />
Petersson, Alfonso Procaccini, Nancy Rubin, and Benigno Sanches-Eppler. In addition,<br />
I gratefully acknowledge several individuals who provided sponsoring<br />
support, research assistance, and critical comments on specific chapters: Martha<br />
Denney and Deborah Toribiong (Ch. 3), Vincent Crapanzano and Anita Skang<br />
Jordan (Ch. 4), Roy Wagner and James Weiner (Ch. 5), Moise Postone (Ch. 6),<br />
ix