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SIGNS IN SOCIETY - STIBA Malang

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viii I Contents<br />

Part III Comparative Perspectives on Complex Semiotic Processes 99<br />

Tropical Semiotics<br />

Levels of Semiosis<br />

IOI<br />

Collectivizing and Differentiating Symbolization 104<br />

Convention and Innateness 106<br />

Obviational Exchange<br />

Tropes and Narrative 113<br />

Foi Cultural Semiotics 120<br />

The Semiotic Regimentation of Social Life 125<br />

Social Action and Semiotic Text 12.5<br />

Context and Type in Ritual Performativity 128<br />

Institutional Regimentation of Touristic Experience 134<br />

Ideological Regimentation in Advertising 142<br />

Part IV Social Theory and Social Action 157<br />

Comparison, Pragmatics, and Interpretation 159<br />

Models and Strategies of Comparison 159<br />

Comparative Philosophy of Religion as a Discipline 165<br />

Comparison and Interpretation as Practical Reason 167<br />

Directions for Future Research 173<br />

Naturalization of Convention 175<br />

Arbitrariness and Motivation 175<br />

Naturalization in Social Theory i 7<br />

8<br />

Naturalization and Conventionalization in Social Reality 185<br />

Conclusion 191<br />

Notes 193<br />

References 199<br />

Index 220<br />

IOI<br />

n o<br />

Acknowledgments<br />

IWOULD LIKETO thank Tom Kirsch, who advised my first foray into semiotic<br />

anthropology in an undergraduate reading course at Princeton University in<br />

1969—70. Subsequent course work with Steve Barnett, Vincent Crapanzano,<br />

Mark Leone, Alfonso Ortiz, and Martin Silverman provided the impetus for my<br />

graduate studies and professional research in anthropology. The initial opportunity<br />

to carry out research on Peircean semiotics was provided by a postdoctoral<br />

fellowship (1981—82) at the Center for Psychosocial Studies in Chicago. In addition,<br />

the Center helped to fund my field research in Belau (1978—80), provided<br />

support during a sabbatical leave (1986), and sponsored many of the conferences<br />

where the chapters in this book were first presented. "Signs at the Center" would<br />

have been an equally appropriate title for this book. To Bernard Weissbourd and<br />

Ben Lee I extend my thanks.<br />

That I still acknowledge the powerful influence of Michae} Silverstein more<br />

than ten years after I ceased being his student is testimony both to the continuing<br />

relevance of my educational experience in his classes at the University of Chicago<br />

and to the constantly expanding corpus of his publications. All eight of the chapters<br />

as well as the overall organization of the volume are indebted to his pioneering<br />

efforts in anthropological linguistics and semiotically informed social theory.<br />

He has provided oral responses or written comments on most of the chapters in<br />

this book. Specifically, I acknowledge the importance of his work on the pragmatic<br />

codes of culture, on the contrast between explicit and implicit<br />

metapragmatics, on the .limits to semiotic awareness, and on metasemiotic regimentation.<br />

In the years that I have been working in the area of semiotic anthropology I<br />

have benefited from the insight, advice, conversation, and criticism of friends and<br />

colleagues in several disciplines who have been my "universe of discourse": Jim<br />

Collins, Craig Davis, Judy Irvine, Naomi Janowitz, Don Joralemon, Ben Lee,<br />

Laurie Lucking, John Lucy, Nina Kammerer, Beth Mertz, David Murray, Bob<br />

Petersson, Alfonso Procaccini, Nancy Rubin, and Benigno Sanches-Eppler. In addition,<br />

I gratefully acknowledge several individuals who provided sponsoring<br />

support, research assistance, and critical comments on specific chapters: Martha<br />

Denney and Deborah Toribiong (Ch. 3), Vincent Crapanzano and Anita Skang<br />

Jordan (Ch. 4), Roy Wagner and James Weiner (Ch. 5), Moise Postone (Ch. 6),<br />

ix

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