SIGNS IN SOCIETY - STIBA Malang
SIGNS IN SOCIETY - STIBA Malang
SIGNS IN SOCIETY - STIBA Malang
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i?8 I Notes to pages 171-89<br />
11. The Bimin-Kuskusmin case is fruitfully compared to the myth of Hainuwele from<br />
Ceram analyzed by J. Z. Smith (1978:304; 1982:96-101), where the incongruity of the encounter<br />
with Europeans and foreign goods is coded by indigenous motifs in mythological narratives.<br />
12. On this performative function see Clooney 1987:672.<br />
References<br />
8. Naturalization of Convention<br />
1. The Saussurean theory that the relationship of "signification" in language is "radically<br />
arbitrary" and that "relative motivation" enters only along the axis of systemic "value" has<br />
received much recent criticism; for a summary see Friedrich 1979.<br />
2. As Summers (1981:119) notes with respect to artistic convention: "Arbitrariness implies<br />
choice and judgment. But the choice of the builder or builders of the first fence is not the<br />
same as the choice of builders who come afterward. The potentially endlessly variable characteristics<br />
of the initial choice are magnified to the point of being qualitatively different from<br />
choices that come afterward; this is because the first formulation defines the concept of a<br />
fence." Cf. Frye 1966:140.<br />
3. For a mild critique of these ideas see Fortes 1983; for a stinging attack see Sahlins<br />
1976b.<br />
4. Elias (1983:230) notes, however, that a yearning for rural, natural life began to permeate<br />
the artistic conventions of the court, as evidenced in the development of landscape<br />
painting.<br />
5. The gradation of court behavior echoes the linkage between social rank and realization<br />
of consumption in ancient Hawaii: "The consumption of this meat is never strictly<br />
profane but is ritualized to different degrees. Moreover, there is a complementarity between<br />
these degrees. In other words, it is precisely the extreme ritualization of the consumption of<br />
pork (as well as all other foods) by the ali'i [chiefs] that makes possible the lesser ritualization<br />
of its consumption by those of inferior rank. Thus the meals of the people of different rank<br />
form an ideal series: closer to the gods, an ali'i of high rank takes the first step in the process<br />
of approaching them, and this step makes all the others possible, whether they are directly<br />
associated (but in a subordinate position) with the ali'i's meal or are separate from it" (Valeri<br />
1985:126).<br />
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