crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje
crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje
crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje
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Crimes <strong>committed</strong> <strong>by</strong> <strong>totalitarian</strong> <strong>regimes</strong><br />
Rožman, who in 1945 moved abroad. He was sentenced together with a very heterogeneous group who<br />
had nothing in common. Among them was SS General Erwin Rösener. The shadow of his guilt fell upon<br />
the less guilty or innocent.<br />
At the same time, at the end of the forties and the beginning of fifties, the Yugoslav leadership tried<br />
to establish some kind of Catholic National Church on the model of the Orthodox Church. This Church<br />
would be cut off from Vatican and far more dependent upon the Communist regime. Therefore, at the<br />
beginning of fifties, diplomatic relations with the Vatican terminated.<br />
The height of the persecution of the Church was in January 1952, when in Novo mesto the Bishop<br />
of Ljubljana, Anton Vovk, was covered in petrol and burned alive. And before this he had suffered<br />
numerous painful interrogations. That year, Christmas became Labour Day and no longer National Day.<br />
Religion in schools was forbidden and the Theological Institute was expelled from the University.<br />
At the beginning of the sixties there was a gradual warming of relations between the Catholic<br />
Church and the Yugoslav or Slovene political leadership. The consequence was the reestablishment of<br />
regular diplomatic relations between the Holy See and Yugoslavia. And with this, the former Yugoslavia<br />
became the exception among the Communist countries. The Church here acted more freely, unlike<br />
the position in other East European countries, but it could declare on social and political questions in<br />
public. Believers were considered second-class citizens until 1990.<br />
4.2.7. The specific features of the Yugoslav Communist model<br />
Typical of Yugoslavia was the so-called Inform bureau dispute between the Yugoslav and Soviet<br />
leaderships, as a matter of fact, between Tito and Stalin. This dispute at first aggravated Communist<br />
violence: on the one hand, Yugoslavia sought to prove its correctness or orthodoxy and the devotion of<br />
Party to SZ, with stronger collectivi<strong>za</strong>tion, and on the other hand they started to settle with those who in<br />
the dispute between Tito and Stalin took the latter’s side. But then Yugoslavia or Slovenia began to open<br />
towards the West, because it had to get help from there, on account of the very bad economic situation.<br />
At the same time, so-called National Communism appeared – Tito’s self-management, because, after the<br />
dispute with Stalin, the Communist ideologues had to find some “philosophical” excuse for their policies.<br />
Although this meant deviation from Stalinism, on the other hand, it retained all the characteristics of<br />
Communist <strong>totalitarian</strong>ism until its end, and even after it, with some definite consequences. After the<br />
first wave of violence, when exemplary cases of judicial punishment and dismissals from employment<br />
appeared only from time to time, the society or rather, the people grew accustomed to lives in new<br />
circumstances. The pressure decreased at times, for example at the end of sixties, and in the seventies<br />
increased again – the Leaden years, although at the beginning of the seventies, Yugoslav socialism<br />
perhaps had a last chance to became more reliable. But then came the so-called “Tito letter”, and the<br />
Party began to persecute liberals and technocrats. And soon occurred the old vocabulary about internal,<br />
external enemies, hostile emigration and clericalism. Precisely in the seventies there appeared a general<br />
social amnesia and with it, opportunism. This was the time of easy loans, higher living standards, open<br />
borders and membership of the Party for peace and quiet. At the same time, individuals could seize the<br />
opportunity to avoid demagogic campaigns in the press and imprisonment, to which were sentenced<br />
some political dissidents. This period also saw the ascent of small-time careerists who took up important<br />
positions after the destruction of the Liberal Party, together with the older and more severe Communist<br />
forces.<br />
On the other hand, in the seventies, the general denunciation of “socially harmful elements” was<br />
considered a national virtue, as well as those articles which referred to criminal offences against the<br />
social regime according to the penal code. Most notorious was article 133, on “hostile propaganda”,<br />
which stated that a citizen could insult the country orally, in writing or with signs. Until the end of the<br />
seventies, the country could announce some of its declarative principles as the truth. Precisely in this<br />
decade it gave the impression that its economic model had begun to live and give people the opportunity<br />
for greater prosperity. But the economic “success”, which was based on loans (in 1947 Yugoslav debt<br />
amounted to $2.7bn, in 1975, $5 bn, and in 1980 $18bn), started to disappear after Tito’s death in 1980,<br />
when foreign aid declined. The economy began to languish; there were shortages of goods, everyday<br />
necessities and petrol. Strikes started and unemployment increased.<br />
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