crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje
crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje
crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje
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Crimes <strong>committed</strong> <strong>by</strong> <strong>totalitarian</strong> <strong>regimes</strong><br />
Renata Uitz*<br />
Instead of success: hope for truth – at best<br />
1. An uneasy introduction<br />
The organizers of the European hearing on the <strong>crimes</strong> of <strong>totalitarian</strong> <strong>regimes</strong> asked me to give an<br />
account on ‘success stories’ of reconciliation, and coming to terms with the <strong>totalitarian</strong> past, in post-<br />
Communist Central Europe, with special emphasis on the Hungarian experience.<br />
Coming from Hungary, few tasks sound more ambiguous. Hungary is a land of no reconciliation.<br />
The two dominant political forces are divided <strong>by</strong> a deepening rift – over the proper reading of the<br />
<strong>totalitarian</strong> (the Nazi and the Communist) past. This “war over pasts” commenced at the dawn of the<br />
transition to democracy, in the summer of 1989, when the ruling Communist elite and the emerging<br />
political forces faced the need to situate themselves along a continuum of relevant traditions for the<br />
purposes of defining their paths into the future. Unfortunately history did not supply Hungarians with<br />
a set of unambiguous heroes and events which could be fitted along a grand narrative of uncontested<br />
memory.<br />
As István Rév explains so well, the transition itself in 1989 has been a non-event, with no genuine<br />
days to commemorate or celebrate. 1 Democratic transition in Hungary commenced when prominent<br />
figures of the Communist Party openly suggested that the 1956 counter-revolution might have been a<br />
revolt or indeed an uprising. The most cataclysmic event of the summer of 1989 had been the reburial<br />
of the Imre Nagy, the executed prime minister of the 1956 uprising. The reburial turned out to be<br />
the largest anti-Communist demonstration, displaying enormous support for transition from the old<br />
regime, which nonetheless has happened largely independent of the Roundtable Talks (i.e. the forum<br />
where a blueprint for transition to democracy was being carefully drafted). The emerging vocabulary<br />
of “revolt”, “uprising” or – increasingly – “revolution”, together with the image of Imre Nagy might<br />
appear as suitable material for a founding myth for a new regime to be built on the ruins of a Communist<br />
system, which emerged in the tracks of Soviet tanks suppressing the dissenting voices of 1956. There is<br />
only one problem. Imre Nagy would have been a perfect martyr or hero for the emerging democracy of<br />
1989, had he not died remaining faithful to his convictions as a Communist. A negotiated and peaceful<br />
regime change is difficult enough to narrate as a heroic epos to begin with – but with the last true<br />
believer of the evil system as its protagonist?<br />
From this truly post-modern scenario, no master narrative emerges. Hungarian public memory<br />
is the comfortable home of the millennial heritage of St. Stephen, together with the constitutional<br />
achievements of the anti-Habsburg 1848 revolutionaries and the interwar rule of Admiral Horthy, and<br />
certainly the achievements, heroes and memories of the 1956 revolution. In the years that followed,<br />
participants of the political scene built such strings of events into founding myths that suited their own<br />
aspirations. The true successors of duelling heroes have been competing themselves for exclusive rights<br />
to inhabit the public space in any matter of daily politics ever since.<br />
In light of this somewhat dramatic introduction, I rush to admit that this national experience –<br />
which I happen to be the most familiar with – deeply influences my perspective on the issues to be<br />
explored in my paper. Instead of providing a systematic overview of a select few national experiences<br />
on coming to terms with the past, I hope to concentrate on a those issues and problems which are central<br />
for exploring and explaining the current state of affairs in several post-communist democracies. Since<br />
<strong>by</strong> trade I am a lawyer, primarily I am interested in the contributions that constitutions, constitution<br />
makers and constitutional players (including governments, political parties and courts) make in ensuing<br />
social and political developments.<br />
At first I will recall a few familiar yet important reminders about how constitutionalism and the<br />
rule of law do not automatically deliver justice after grave past injustices. Rather, well-known examples<br />
demonstrate that the language of the rule of law can be and was used <strong>by</strong> constitutional courts to justify<br />
* Renata Uitz, Associate Prof of comparative constitutional law, Central European University, Budapest, Legal Studies. Ideas from this<br />
paper were presented at the European hearing on “Crimes <strong>committed</strong> <strong>by</strong> <strong>totalitarian</strong> <strong>regimes</strong>” held in Brussels on April 8, 2008.<br />
1<br />
See István Rév, Retroactive Justice. The Prehistory of Post-communism, Princeton University Press, Princeton 2005.<br />
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