crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje
crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje
crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje
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Crimes <strong>committed</strong> <strong>by</strong> <strong>totalitarian</strong> <strong>regimes</strong><br />
This Panel is subject to the motto of reconciliation. It is not <strong>by</strong> accident that I have not yet mentioned<br />
this term.<br />
Reconciliation is a gift. It happens in relationships and stands at the end of a single, most hurtful<br />
process. It requires that injustice be addressed, that those responsible repent and that their victims are<br />
prepared to forgive. Such a beneficial process enables both the victims and offenders a new, liberated<br />
life.<br />
Even alienated people or population groups can reconcile: What kind of Europe would we have<br />
today if its people had not reached out to Germany in reconciliation after the horrors of the National<br />
Socialist <strong>crimes</strong>?<br />
However, unfortunately, the term “reconciliation” is often used carelessly, and yes, is even abused.<br />
For the sake of an alleged reconciliation, the offenders are not made accountable, the sufferings of the<br />
victims are not specified, and the truth is hidden in inaccessible archives. However, to remain silent<br />
about the past, to renounce retribution, contradicts reconciliation. Reconciliation, which intends to<br />
manage without truth, is just a foul peace.<br />
In Germany, we are confronted with the task to come to terms with two very different <strong>totalitarian</strong><br />
<strong>regimes</strong>. This occasionally results in tensions, which I have no time to address here. However, I am<br />
convinced that the effort to come to terms with the communist rule has to do with the deficits concerning<br />
this matter after 1945. Never again were the victims to wait decades for their redemption, never again<br />
were the former elite to unrestrictedly continue their careers.<br />
It would go beyond the scope of this discourse to tell the stories of all institutions in Germany, which,<br />
at a great thematic breadth, dedicate themselves to the reconciliation of the Communist SED-dictatorship.<br />
The Stasi Records Office I direct is the largest institution. It disposes of approximately 170<br />
kilometres of files of the GDR’s Secret Police, and through its work, essentially contributes to personal<br />
and social reconciliation processes.<br />
However, it is only part of a network, consisting of central and regional institutions, along with state<br />
and private institutions. For example, I would like to mention the Foundation for the Reconstruction<br />
on the SED Dictatorship, numerous private archives and reconciliation initiatives, as well as victim<br />
associations and counselling centres. The activity of these institutions is complemented <strong>by</strong> the Laws for<br />
the Cleansing of SED-Sponsored Injustice, which above all, govern the rehabilitation and indemnification<br />
of the formerly politically persecuted.<br />
Most of them do not owe their existence to political decisions, but to civic commitment. This also<br />
applies to the Stasi Records Office: The protection of the files and their access goes back to the time<br />
of the peaceful revolution and the occupation of the Stasi-offices in numerous cities of the GDR. Only<br />
great public pressure resulted in the governments of the GDR and the Federal Republic to include a<br />
provision in the Unification Treaty, according to which the files would also remain open in the united<br />
Germany.<br />
Two fundamental principles characterized the Stasi Document Law, on which basis my office<br />
is working: the right of the public to inspect the files and the protection of personal rights. It is selfevident<br />
that there is, to some extent, tension between the two. However, experience of more than 16<br />
years shows that practical solutions were definitely found. At that time, it was particularly disputed<br />
whether the victims of the Ministry for State Security and the public had the right to know the names of<br />
the perpetrators. People feared that there would be acts of revenge. However, no such acts were made<br />
known.<br />
The right of every person to inspect all existing Stasi documents about themselves is of special<br />
significance. Since then, 1.6 million people have made use of their right <strong>by</strong> filing corresponding<br />
applications. The demand for inspecting the files is unalteredly high. During the year 2007 only, we<br />
received more than 100,000 applications for inspecting the records.<br />
The Stasi documents we manage are used on a large scale <strong>by</strong> scientists and publicists to research the<br />
power structures of the GDR. Legal rules, which stipulate the weighing of the public interest against the<br />
protection of personality rights regarding each individual case, apply to the release of the documents.<br />
The scientists of our office concentrate on researching the structure, effect and methods of the<br />
Ministry for State Security. Numerous publications have been issued, which have become standard<br />
works of GDR historiography.<br />
Still, there is a gap in Germany between the existing knowledge about the GDR’s system of power<br />
and the publicly spread information. Thus, one of the focal points of our work is to inform the public,<br />
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