crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje

crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje crimes committed by totalitarian regimes - Ministrstvo za pravosodje

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Crimes committed by totalitarian regimes schooling, employment, apartments, to numerous local and republic rents, decorations, free transport. There was a special parallel health system in place for them. Between 1970 and 1980, apartments were allocated to more than 16,000 fighters, around 2,000 received loans to build houses and almost 10,000 loans to adapt apartments or houses. The veterans also had priority in buying confiscated houses and apartments. After World War Two, the League of Veterans’ Associations was taking care of “12,228 children under the age of 15, 7,769 were children of fallen soldiers and 4,533 victims of Fascist violence and 950 children without both parents.” They received help in schooling and other forms of social help; they were helped in their jobs and careers. 16 The members of the new class also ensured numerous advantages for their children. Titoism could not authentically criticise Fascism and National Socialism, as many of their victims later became victims of Titoism. 17 Titoism eliminated many victims of Fascism and national Socialism from collective memory and did not ensure that the victims would receive the restitution that belonged to them from successor states. The people mobilized into the occupation armies and paramilitary formations were most severely deprived. More than 200,000 were mobilized and more than 15,000 died. The illegal mobilization of the population of the occupied Slovenia was the biggest National Socialist crime against the inhabitants of Slovenia - considering the number of the mobilized and the number of the fatalities and of those disabled. Because the fatalities were mostly young men without families, the demographic losses were very extensive as well. Slovenians were forcibly mobilized only into the Wehrmacht. Most deserted or allowed themselves to be caught. Many of those on leave deserted and joined the partisans in Slovenia, Many also joined the overseas brigades and Yugoslav units established in the Soviet Union. They helped strengthen the partisan army and contributed to its victory. Titoism not only did not condemn National Socialism for this violation of international law, and severe consequences, but it also discriminated against the victims. The government did not maintain the graves of the dead; there was no room for them in collective memory; they were not recorded and were not allowed to have memorials. Those mobilized were given the title ‘Nazi soldier’, national traitor. The mobilized, or the relatives of the fallen or the disabled were not allowed to receive German rents. An important part of the national history, the majestic epic with many tragedies and many great rebellious acts, was repressed. For example, Stanislav Mikšič and Edvin Mekinda deserted and told the Red Army about the German preparations before the Battle of Kursk. However, Yugoslavia demonstrated no recognition of this act. It is not yet known how many of the mobilized did not return home for fear of violence, choosing instead to remain in the West. The internees of the National Socialist concentration camps were, after the Second World War, accused of being Gestapo or Western imperialistic agents, following the Stalinist model. Preparing for the so-called Dachau trails, the secret political police operatively researched 7,380 Slovenians and 2,144 foreigners by March, 1948. In the nine show trials before the court martial and the district court in Ljubljana, 34 former internees, members of camp committees in Dachau and Buchenwald, were convicted. The accused were broken by severe torture, three died during the investigation, eleven were sentenced to death and executed. The dates of death and the locations of the graves remain unknown to this day. The dark shadow of the Dachau processes lay on the Slovenian internees until the end of the second Yugoslavia. Those sentenced in these trials were politically rehabilitated by the 10 th Congress of the League of Communists of Slovenia in April, 1986. National Socialists murdered more than 550 Slovenian Jews. When the survivors returned to Slovenia from the camps, some had their property confiscated through various pretences in the show trials. Some emigrated to Israel. 16 50 let delovanja Zveze združenj borcev in udeležencev narodnoosvobodilnega boja Slovenije (50 years of existence of the League of Veterans’ Associations and participants in the National Liberation Struggle of Slovenia), Ljublajana 1998. 17 Jože Dežman, “Hitlerjeva dolga senca” (“Hitler’s Long Shadow”), in: Jože Dežman, Hanzi Filipič (eds.), Hitlerjeva dolga senca – nacionalsocialistično državnoteroristično in rasistično preganjanje prebivalcev Slovenije in njegove posledice v Titovi Jugoslaviji, Klagenfurt– Ljubljana– Vienna 2007. 200

Crimes committed by totalitarian regimes More than 80,000 Slovenians exiled from their homes by the Germans to the Balkans or to Germany or who fled from them (around two thousand died) were not given war victim status in Titoism. The totalitarian connection of National Socialism and Titoism is even more strongly reflected in the fate of the Roma people. The first prisoners in the Gestapo prison in Begunje were the Roma from Gorenjska (Upper Carniola), who were later exiled. Some of the Roma were killed by the National Socialists in concentration camps. In Ljubljana, which belonged to the Italian occupational zone, the partisans assaulted the Roma. From the 350–400 Roma living around Ljubljana, the partisans killed at least 160 in only 70 days, between 10 May and 22 July, 1942. Among them were women (some pregnant) and children. 18 Tito’s Yugoslavia did keep a record of the war damages; but for many of them (whether caused by the partisan opponents or partisans themselves); it did not even try to arrange for restitution. Among them are mostly damages to property and especially those affecting social groups who were destined for extinction, according to the Bolshevik class war logic. So many entrepreneurs and farmers could only hope for restitution. Even today, the material war damages are a hot topic in the discussions among their victims and the state. 3. Taboo and its dissolution or the Slovenian bases for transitional justice Mystifying the crimes of the occupiers, Titoism covered its own crimes. The taboo to hide the crimes of Titoism was meant to conceal the War-time and post-War murders of civilians and prisoners of war without trials. Their graves were levelled and in Slovenia it was forbidden to talk about their fate. Repressive organs controlled the burials sites and the living were strictly forbidden to mention the victims or the graves. The so-called system of preserving and developing revolutionary heritage was used by the Communist Party to implement a monopoly on the Truth. In the name of brotherhood, unity and equality, intolerant militarization and caste discrimination of the living and the dead reigned. The Bolshevik ‘gods’ divided the world of the dead into party heaven and party hell. 19 The acknowledged dead were holy for the party cult of the dead and the graves of the ignored and their memory was erased. As well as the dead, the living were divided. The partisan survivors and the relatives of the holy dead were given commemorations and rents. The surviving partisan opponents and their relatives and children of the despised dead were forced to remain silent, were denigrated and were without recourse to law. The murders were followed by confiscations and additional taxation; the relatives of the murdered were physically and mentally tortured and treated as second class citizens. The relatives of the taboo dead were one of the many second class groups (middle classes, aristocracy, farmers, democrats, priests and the faithful ...); in many cases they were treated as internal enemies and political emigration (secret political police kept files on around 20,000 political emigrants) was treated as an external enemy. The racist discrimination haunted especially the children of the murdered all the way until the dissolution of Titoism; those consequences burden many of the survivors to this day. Suffering poverty, beatings and denigration, they were not given help in school or given scholarships, and many were not allowed access to education; they were usually given bad jobs with no chance of promotion. Because they were not allowed to mourn, and most do not know where their close relatives lie buried; many suffer from grief disorders. 18 Jože Dežman, Hanzi Filipič (eds.), Hitlerjeva dolga senca (Hitler’s Long Shadow), Klagenfurt–Ljubljana–Vienna 2007. 19 Party heavens – victims Category Party hell – victims ignored acknowledged by the party of victims /concealed by the party >20,000 Partisans 2,000 >20,000 Civilians 8,000 Forcibly mobilized in the occupators’ armies 15,000 Slovenian anti-partisan units >15,000 Non-Slovenian inhabitants of Slovenian ethnic territory >3,000 >45,000 Total >40,000 201

Crimes <strong>committed</strong> <strong>by</strong> <strong>totalitarian</strong> <strong>regimes</strong><br />

More than 80,000 Slovenians exiled from their homes <strong>by</strong> the Germans to the Balkans or to Germany or<br />

who fled from them (around two thousand died) were not given war victim status in Titoism.<br />

The <strong>totalitarian</strong> connection of National Socialism and Titoism is even more strongly reflected in<br />

the fate of the Roma people. The first prisoners in the Gestapo prison in Begunje were the Roma from<br />

Gorenjska (Upper Carniola), who were later exiled. Some of the Roma were killed <strong>by</strong> the National Socialists<br />

in concentration camps. In Ljubljana, which belonged to the Italian occupational zone, the partisans assaulted<br />

the Roma. From the 350–400 Roma living around Ljubljana, the partisans killed at least 160 in only 70 days,<br />

between 10 May and 22 July, 1942. Among them were women (some pregnant) and children. 18<br />

Tito’s Yugoslavia did keep a record of the war damages; but for many of them (whether caused<br />

<strong>by</strong> the partisan opponents or partisans themselves); it did not even try to arrange for restitution. Among<br />

them are mostly damages to property and especially those affecting social groups who were destined for<br />

extinction, according to the Bolshevik class war logic. So many entrepreneurs and farmers could only<br />

hope for restitution. Even today, the material war damages are a hot topic in the discussions among their<br />

victims and the state.<br />

3. Taboo and its dissolution or the Slovenian bases for transitional justice<br />

Mystifying the <strong>crimes</strong> of the occupiers, Titoism covered its own <strong>crimes</strong>. The taboo to hide the<br />

<strong>crimes</strong> of Titoism was meant to conceal the War-time and post-War murders of civilians and prisoners<br />

of war without trials. Their graves were levelled and in Slovenia it was forbidden to talk about their<br />

fate. Repressive organs controlled the burials sites and the living were strictly forbidden to mention the<br />

victims or the graves.<br />

The so-called system of preserving and developing revolutionary heritage was used <strong>by</strong> the<br />

Communist Party to implement a monopoly on the Truth. In the name of brotherhood, unity and equality,<br />

intolerant militari<strong>za</strong>tion and caste discrimination of the living and the dead reigned. The Bolshevik<br />

‘gods’ divided the world of the dead into party heaven and party hell. 19 The acknowledged dead were<br />

holy for the party cult of the dead and the graves of the ignored and their memory was erased.<br />

As well as the dead, the living were divided. The partisan survivors and the relatives of the holy dead<br />

were given commemorations and rents. The surviving partisan opponents and their relatives and children<br />

of the despised dead were forced to remain silent, were denigrated and were without recourse to law.<br />

The murders were followed <strong>by</strong> confiscations and additional taxation; the relatives of the murdered<br />

were physically and mentally tortured and treated as second class citizens. The relatives of the taboo<br />

dead were one of the many second class groups (middle classes, aristocracy, farmers, democrats, priests<br />

and the faithful ...); in many cases they were treated as internal enemies and political emigration (secret<br />

political police kept files on around 20,000 political emigrants) was treated as an external enemy. The racist<br />

discrimination haunted especially the children of the murdered all the way until the dissolution of Titoism;<br />

those consequences burden many of the survivors to this day. Suffering poverty, beatings and denigration,<br />

they were not given help in school or given scholarships, and many were not allowed access to education;<br />

they were usually given bad jobs with no chance of promotion. Because they were not allowed to mourn,<br />

and most do not know where their close relatives lie buried; many suffer from grief disorders.<br />

18<br />

Jože Dežman, Hanzi Filipič (eds.), Hitlerjeva dolga senca (Hitler’s Long Shadow), Klagenfurt–Ljubljana–Vienna 2007.<br />

19<br />

Party heavens – victims Category Party hell – victims ignored<br />

acknowledged <strong>by</strong> the party of victims /concealed <strong>by</strong> the party<br />

>20,000 Partisans 2,000<br />

>20,000 Civilians 8,000<br />

Forcibly mobilized in the occupators’ armies 15,000<br />

Slovenian anti-partisan units >15,000<br />

Non-Slovenian inhabitants of Slovenian ethnic territory >3,000<br />

>45,000 Total >40,000<br />

201

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